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In November 1960, the Democratic party dominated Texas. The newly elected vice president, Lyndon Johnson, was a Texan. Democrats held all 30 statewide elective positions. The state legislature had 181 Democrats and no Republicans or anyone else. Then fast-forward 50 years to November 2010. Texas has not voted for a Democratic president since 1976. Every statewide elective office is held by Republicans. Representing Texas in Washington is a congressional delegation of 25 Republicans and nine Democrats.

In an era of stark racial injustice and decisive action, Aaron Dixon dedicated his life to the struggle for change, founding the Seattle chapter of the Black Panther Party in 1968 at age 19. Through his eyes, we see the courage of a generation that stood up to injustice, their political triumphs and tragedies, and the unforgettable legacy of Black Power.

R.W Johnson’s best-selling How Long Will South Africa Survive? was hailed by financial writer Alec Hogg as 'a masterpiece in unblemished reality'. Published at the height of the Zuma presidency, it accurately forecast that South Africa’s credit rating would be downgraded to junk status. Johnson warned that this sorry progress might end in an IMF bailout and wholesale change to the political system.

Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa is credited with driving through the deal between the apartheid government and the African National Congress that was at the heart of South Africa’s democratic constitution. He was the ANC’s lead negotiator and the man who persuaded one of the most recalcitrant racist governments in the world to buy into a settlement based on one of its most enlightened bills of rights. But once the ink had dried on the constitution, Ramaphosa found himself politically sidelined.

The Beltway Beast: Stealing from Future Generations and Destroying the Middle Class transcends the anger and frustration of American people with their leaders failing to solve the country's problems. It documents our current reality and offer transformational ideas, such as shrinking the presidential primary process by utilizing technology, reducing healthcare cost through smart patient credits, and using a value-based tax system that transfers power from Washington back to the states.

La manovra infinita (e buon Natale). I lavori per la finanziaria in sei articoli di Repubblica: La posta in gioco sulla manovra, di Marcello Messori; Manovra, lo scatto dei tecnici salvavita, di Roberto Mania; Politici e tecnici, l'asimmetria del governo, di Stefano Folli; Stangata sui pensionati, tagli per 2,5 miliardi, di Roberto Petrini; Le Camere trasformate in una sala d'attesa, di Sebastiano Messina; Sondaggio: La Lega stacca i 5 Stelle: il divario è ormai di 7 punti, di Ilvo Diamanti; Buon Natale non buonista, di Stefano Massini.

The Carter presidency was on life support. The Democrats, desperate to keep power and yearning to resurrect former glory, turned to Ted Kennedy. Camelot's End details the incredible drama of Kennedy's challenge - what led to it, how it unfolded, and its lasting effects - with cinematic sweep. It is a story about what happened to the Democratic Party when the country's long string of successes, luck, and global dominance following World War II ran its course, and how, on a quest to recapture the magic of JFK, Democrats plunged themselves into an intra-party civil war.

Il Pd a pezzi. La crisi del Partito Democratico in sei articoli di Repubblica: Renzi e l'ipotesi scissione per correre alle europee, di Goffredo De Marchis; Minniti: "Ritiro la candidatura per salvare il partito, chi se ne va fa un regalo ai populisti", di Claudio Tito; Renzi, l'azzardo fra destra e sinistra, di Stefano Folli; Congresso Pd, Matteo Renzi si tiene le mani libere su scissione e nuovo partito, di Giovanna Casadio; Congresso Pd, Matteo Renzi e il partito: un amore mai sbocciato, di Marco Damilano.

Salvini e Di Maio, il governo separato in casa. I problemi nella maggioranza in sei articoli di Repubblica: Il pre-governo di Salvini, di Mario Calabresi; Di Maio: Basta guerre all'Europa, ma le misure non cambiano. Anche i mercati capiranno, di Annalisa Cuzzocrea; Governo, dalla manina alla monnezza, la lunga recita tra Salvini e Di Maio, di Francesco Merlo; Salvini, gli studenti e la gogna istituzionale, di Nadia Urbinati; La legge del gianduiotto, di Alessandro De Nicola; Un governo da ricucire ogni giorno, di Stefano Folli.

The scholarly and popular narrative of American politics has come to focus on ideology over all else. But as Donald T. Critchlow demonstrates in his riveting new book, this obsession obscures the important role of temperament, character, and leadership ability in political success. Critchlow looks at four leading Republican presidential contenders - Richard Nixon, Nelson Rockefeller, Barry Goldwater, and Ronald Reagan - to show that, behind the scenes, ideology mattered less than principled pragmatism and the ability to build coalitions toward electoral and legislative victory.

Uno dei casi politici che hanno caratterizzato la vita del governo Lega-5 stelle nel racconto di sei articoli di Repubblica: Quei messaggi di Casalino che avvelenano il clima politico, di Sergio Rizzo; L'audio di Rocco Casalino, i metodi da prima repubblica che ci allontanano dalla democrazia, di Sebastiano Messina; Sussurri e liste nere, così il metodo Rocco governa il Movimento, di Matteo Pucciarelli; Lo Stato, i tecnici e il bluff dei 5 stelle; di Stefano Cappellini; La guerra totale di Di Maio agli uomini del ministero dell'Economia, di Tommaso Ciriaco.

An acclaimed journalist and novelist explores the legacy and future of American liberalism through the history of his family's politically active history. Searching, engrossing, and persuasive, this is an original, intimate examination of the meaning of politics in American lives.

Il Partito Democratico tra crisi e ricostruzione, in sei analisi di Repubblica: Sinistra, la sindrome della Cosa. Il Pd e l'eterna ricerca di nomi, simboli, identità, di Concetto Vecchio. L'ultima cena del Pd, lontano dalla sua gente, di Caudio Tito. Pd, ormai due partiti in uno. I renziani senza candidato: si sfila anche Delrio, di Tommaso Ciriaco. Come fondare un movimento europeista al fianco del Pd, di Eugenio Scalfari. Pd, Renzi organizza la corrente e per fermare Zingaretti punta al rinvio del congresso, di Goffredo de Marchis.

Charlie Crist, the former Republican governor of Florida, spent years in the party's inner circle. In this no-holds-barred memoir, he shows why he switched sides and became a Democrat. After serving as a Republican governor - one who was on the short list for the vice presidency in 2008 - Charlie Crist made headlines when he decided to run for the U.S. Senate as an Independent. He was on the front page again when he endorsed President Obama in 2012 and spoke at the Democratic National Convention - and yet again when he officially joined the Democratic Party later that year.

The chaotic events leading up to Mitt Romney's defeat in the 2012 election indicated how far the Republican Party had rocketed rightward away from the center of public opinion. Republicans in Congress threatened to shut down the government and force a U.S. debt default. Tea Party activists mounted primary challenges against Republican officeholders who appeared to exhibit too much pragmatism or independence. Moderation and compromise were dirty words in the Republican presidential debates. The GOP, it seemed, had suddenly become a party of ideological purity. Except this development is not new at all.

The size and stability of the American middle class were once the envy of the world. But changes unleashed in the 1960s pitted Americans against one another politically in new and destructive ways. These battles continued to rage from that day to now, while everyone has fallen behind economically except the wealthy. Right-wing culture warriors blamed the decline on the moral shortcomings of "other" Americans - black people, feminists, gays, immigrants, union members - to court a fearful white working- and middle-class base with ever more bitter "us vs. them" politics.

Are Tea Party supporters merely a group of conservative citizens concerned about government spending? Or are they racists who refuse to accept Barack Obama as their president because he's not white? Change They Can't Believe In offers an alternative argument--that the Tea Party is driven by the reemergence of a reactionary movement in American politics that is fueled by a fear that America has changed for the worse.

There was entertainment at the Republican Gala on Sunday night. The climax was a full marching band of bagpipers. They must have been hired for the week since one kept hearing them on the following days, and at all odd times, heard them even in my hotel room at four am for a few were marching in the streets of San Francisco, sounding through the night, giving off the barbaric evocation of the Scots, all valor, wrath, firmitude, and treachery - the wild complete treachery of the Scots finding its way into the sound of the pipes.

One hundred and two years ago Teddy Roosevelt split the Republican Party to advance his progressive agenda. Progressivism, or Big Government Republicanism, became the philosophy of the Republican Party's establishment elite. Fifty years ago conservatives began a battle for control of the party. Now is the time for conservatives to finish the job and take back the Republican Party.

In The Obama Doctrine, Colin Dueck analyzes and explains what the Obama Doctrine in foreign policy actually is and maps out the competing visions on offer from the Republican Party. Dueck, a leading scholar of US foreign policy, contends it is now becoming clear that Obama's policy of international retrenchment is in large part a function of his emphasis on achieving domestic policy goals. There have been some successes in the approach, but there have also been costs.