『Masters in Public Affairs』のカバーアート

Masters in Public Affairs

Masters in Public Affairs

著者: Joseph Lavoie
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Each episode goes deep on one book that belongs in a modern public affairs canon—extracting the core idea, the mental models, and how it connects to real wins and failures today. Built for practitioners who never stop working the fundamentals.Joseph Lavoie 経済学
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  • People, Power, Change, by Marshall Ganz
    2026/09/30
    Power is who needs whom more. You shift it by asking the people already around you for a commitment, and asking again once they've kept it Why This Book Matters Marshall Ganz went to Mississippi in 1964 to work in the civil rights movement, spent sixteen years organizing farmworkers alongside Cesar Chavez, designed the volunteer training for Barack Obama's 2008 campaign, and has taught organizing at Harvard since 1994. This book is the course he has taught for thirty years: five practices of organizing, each explained through a campaign he was inside. Most books on this show explain how something works. This one teaches how to build power when you start with none. Power, Ganz says, is a relationship rather than a possession: if you need my resources more than I need yours, I have the power. Organizing is the work of shifting that balance. When the farmworkers struck in 1965, the growers had the land, the money, and the law, and there were always more workers. What the growers couldn't replace was the customer, so the union sent farmworker families to fifty cities to ask people not to buy grapes, and five years later the growers signed. Ganz writes for a progressive American audience and never addresses a reader who works for a company, so the translation is mine. Most companies engage the people around them, their employees, suppliers, and the towns they operate in, by sending a message outward and counting who received it. Ganz's organizations are built the other way around: the people in them are asked for commitments, and get a say in return, and that is what lets them act when it counts. He calls a group like that a constituency, and I'm not sure many companies have one. What I don't know is whether a company can offer the people around it a real say, when every relationship it has is one the other person can walk away from. If you've seen a version of that work, I'd like to hear about it. What We Cover in the Episode A Monday morning in Montgomery, Alabama, in December 1955, when Martin Luther King Jr. stood at his window and watched the first bus of the day go by empty. Within a month the bus company was asking the city to let it double its fares. The people who emptied those buses had no money the company would miss and no vote the mayor feared, and Ganz opens his book with what they had instead. After 2016, thousands of local political groups formed across the United States. Ganz reports on what became of them, and most are gone. Ganz's definition of power, and the sixteen-year fight that proved it. A twenty-two-year-old farmworker named Jessica Govea ran the grape boycott in Toronto and then Montreal, in a French she barely spoke. The one-on-one, the recruiting conversation every organizer learns first, and the afternoon in San Antonio when Ganz, twenty years into his career, watched a veteran run one and realized he'd been doing it wrong. The house meeting: twenty or thirty people in someone's living room, invited by the host rather than the organizer. Ganz asks every host to list fifty people they know, and the episode explains why fifty, and why not close friends only. The two asks every guest leaves with. The second is to go home and host their own meeting, with their own fifty, within a few days. Nancy Pelosi's first campaign for Congress in 1987: six organizers, eighty-seven house meetings, six hundred people in three weeks, and how those meetings told the campaign who its leaders were. What a working team looks like, and the structure Ganz calls a snowflake, in which teams build teams. It put fifteen thousand volunteers on the ground in South Carolina for Obama in 2008, most of them new to politics. Why Ganz gives a volunteer responsibility for an outcome rather than a task, and why an organization built this way grows with use instead of wearing out. Three mental models: Moral Resources, the Arrow and the Cycle, and Mobilizing versus Organizing. Three misreadings: that organizing is a slower kind of mobilizing, that a book about movements is a book about protest, and that leading with values brings people together. What this asks of a company, which is whether the people around it are a constituency or a mailing list, and the budget line almost no corporate affairs team has. Then the mastery lesson: the master organizer is the person who asks.
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    1 時間 3 分
  • Politics Is for Power, by Eitan Hersh
    2026/09/16
    To get a decision-maker's attention when it counts, you should be securing, and organizing votes. Why This Book Matters In 2018, Eitan Hersh surveyed Americans and found that a third of them spend two hours or more a day on politics, and that four out of five of those people spend none of that time on anything that could be called political work. How do they—and how do we—spend all of time engaged in politics? You know the answer already: we gobble up news, podcasts, social media, and then spend a lot of time complaining about the state affairs. Hersh himself was guilty of this behaviour he calls political hobbyism. Politics Is for Power is the book he wrote to work out what the alternative looks like. Hersh makes the case that political power is built by serving people before you ask anything of them, in units small enough to repeat, inside an organization that exists before the fight arrives. He also explains why the local institutions that used to do this work were stripped of their reasons to do it. The book is written for citizens and parties, and the translation to corporate public affairs is not automatic. Most of what a company does for people is already a transaction, and Hersh's model of service runs on help that comes free. But the question the book puts to a citizen — how much of your political time goes to building power, and how much to consuming politics — applies to a corporate affairs function without any adjustment at all. What We Cover in the Episode The arithmetic of power. One vote out of 130 million changes nothing, but a person who can move ten neighbours is worth something a politician can count, and the book's stories are all about how that person gets made. Naakh Vysoky, a retired doctor in his seventies, who helped three hundred elderly Soviet immigrants pass the citizenship test after welfare reform threatened their income, and then turned that trust into a precinct with double the turnout of every precinct around it. Dave Fleischer, the organizer behind deep canvassing (https://www.mastersinpublicaffairs.com/episodes/how-minds-change/), and why he listens to the people who voted against his marriage. The empathy has a purpose, and the purpose is votes. A county Democratic party in the Portland suburbs that couldn't get thirteen people to a meeting, and the first thing it did when it decided to rebuild: pay one person's salary. What that person built was a program where every volunteer is responsible for thirty-five households, and why thirty-five is the number that makes it work. Angela Aldous, a nurse who watched a million recall signatures in Wisconsin turn into nobody on the doors, and who built a group in Pennsylvania on the assumption that it would lose for years. When the local congressman resigned in a scandal, her group had been organizing for ten months, and the Democrat won by 755 votes. How $9,000 raised by a college-town precinct committee unlocked $680,000 in state party money for a candidate the party had written off, and why it only worked because the committee existed before she needed it. Why almost nobody does any of this anymore: the fifty-year history of how local parties gave up the ballot, the nominations, and the patronage, and were left with a chair, a treasurer, and no reason to exist. Hersh tests it on his own town's Democratic committee, and the annual buffet is better attended than the phone bank. Three mental models: the Control Trade, the Bounded Unit, and the Hollow Party. Three ways the book gets misread, including the one I struggled with myself: that Naakh's model is just the old ward-boss machine with better manners. What this looks like when the organization is a company, and the mastery lesson: the willingness to want power at all, and a specific kind of patience
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    1 時間 8 分
  • Supercommunicators, by Charles Duhigg
    2026/09/02
    The person receiving your message isn't one person. They're a stack of identities, and only one of them is listening. Why This Book Matters Duhigg wrote this to fix his own life. He'd been made a manager for the first time, he had the MBA and the Pulitzer and a career built on explaining why people do what they do, and he couldn't connect with his own team — or, when he got home, with his wife and his children. The book is him working out why. Which means it is, on its face, a book about one to one, or one to few conversations. A doctor and a patient. A husband and a wife. Nothing in it was written for anyone running a campaign. But it belongs because Duhigg surfaces something so crucial that I really struggle to think about how we scale what we learn from him: at any moment only one of a person's many identities is doing the listening. The interesting challenge is that the surrounding context has more to do with which identity is live, than the message itself. The book's own claim about itself is that none of this is innate. Its opening exemplar is a shy kid who learned to connect by studying people who were good at it, and who spent two decades at the FBI talking fugitives out of buildings. "It's a set of skills," he tells a room of sceptical scientists. "There's nothing magical about it." What the book does not do is scale. Duhigg's answer to nearly every problem is to get closer to someone, and we work at distance — by design, by budget, by necessity. I'm still working through this challenge, because I do believe if we can scale what Duhigg teaches us here, we could transform our campaigns. What We Cover in the Episode Behfar Ehdaie, a prostate cancer surgeon at Memorial Sloan Kettering, whose patients kept choosing an operation he had just shown them they didn't need. Around 40% of prostate cancer patients in the United States do the same — more than fifty thousand men a year. Felix, the FBI's negotiator of last resort, and the hour he spent with a room of scientists who couldn't work out what he actually does. He answers them by demonstrating it on one of them. The three kinds of conversation Duhigg says every discussion is one of — and why two people in different ones fail each other even when both are trying hard. Why the identity doing the listening gets set by the room rather than by the person. A pro-Obama t-shirt at a barbecue versus at an NRA rally; and a city in Iraq where bouncers read your religion off your ID card at the grocery store door. Dr. Rima Shami, a patient who won't take the COVID vaccine because God will provide, and what happened in the thirty minutes after the appointment ended. The maths test where reminding women of four of their identities did nothing at all, and reminding them of thirty closed the gap with the men completely. A Milwaukee jury in 1985, a man who bought a pistol because a mail-order detective course told him to, and the juror who moved eleven other people without once arguing the case. Salma Mousa's soccer league in a city recovering from ISIS, where nobody was taught to communicate and the effects were still holding six months later. Four mental models: the Salience Dial, the Near-Universal Identity, the Silent Ledger, and the Directive Penalty. Four ways the book gets misread — including the one Duhigg heads off twice, because he clearly saw it coming. The mastery lesson, and the asymmetry between what this book does to your life and what it does to your work.
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    1 時間 5 分
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