『Politics Is for Power, by Eitan Hersh』のカバーアート

Politics Is for Power, by Eitan Hersh

Politics Is for Power, by Eitan Hersh

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To get a decision-maker's attention when it counts, you should be securing, and organizing votes. Why This Book Matters In 2018, Eitan Hersh surveyed Americans and found that a third of them spend two hours or more a day on politics, and that four out of five of those people spend none of that time on anything that could be called political work. How do they—and how do we—spend all of time engaged in politics? You know the answer already: we gobble up news, podcasts, social media, and then spend a lot of time complaining about the state affairs. Hersh himself was guilty of this behaviour he calls political hobbyism. Politics Is for Power is the book he wrote to work out what the alternative looks like. Hersh makes the case that political power is built by serving people before you ask anything of them, in units small enough to repeat, inside an organization that exists before the fight arrives. He also explains why the local institutions that used to do this work were stripped of their reasons to do it. The book is written for citizens and parties, and the translation to corporate public affairs is not automatic. Most of what a company does for people is already a transaction, and Hersh's model of service runs on help that comes free. But the question the book puts to a citizen — how much of your political time goes to building power, and how much to consuming politics — applies to a corporate affairs function without any adjustment at all. What We Cover in the Episode The arithmetic of power. One vote out of 130 million changes nothing, but a person who can move ten neighbours is worth something a politician can count, and the book's stories are all about how that person gets made. Naakh Vysoky, a retired doctor in his seventies, who helped three hundred elderly Soviet immigrants pass the citizenship test after welfare reform threatened their income, and then turned that trust into a precinct with double the turnout of every precinct around it. Dave Fleischer, the organizer behind deep canvassing (https://www.mastersinpublicaffairs.com/episodes/how-minds-change/), and why he listens to the people who voted against his marriage. The empathy has a purpose, and the purpose is votes. A county Democratic party in the Portland suburbs that couldn't get thirteen people to a meeting, and the first thing it did when it decided to rebuild: pay one person's salary. What that person built was a program where every volunteer is responsible for thirty-five households, and why thirty-five is the number that makes it work. Angela Aldous, a nurse who watched a million recall signatures in Wisconsin turn into nobody on the doors, and who built a group in Pennsylvania on the assumption that it would lose for years. When the local congressman resigned in a scandal, her group had been organizing for ten months, and the Democrat won by 755 votes. How $9,000 raised by a college-town precinct committee unlocked $680,000 in state party money for a candidate the party had written off, and why it only worked because the committee existed before she needed it. Why almost nobody does any of this anymore: the fifty-year history of how local parties gave up the ballot, the nominations, and the patronage, and were left with a chair, a treasurer, and no reason to exist. Hersh tests it on his own town's Democratic committee, and the annual buffet is better attended than the phone bank. Three mental models: the Control Trade, the Bounded Unit, and the Hollow Party. Three ways the book gets misread, including the one I struggled with myself: that Naakh's model is just the old ward-boss machine with better manners. What this looks like when the organization is a company, and the mastery lesson: the willingness to want power at all, and a specific kind of patience
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