検索キーワード： プロパガンダ・政治心理学

Tras el derrumbe de la utopía neoliberal, el gran consenso ideológico de nuestro tiempo es la capacidad de las tecnologías de la comunicación para inducir dinámicas sociales positivas. La economía del conocimiento se considera unánimemente como la solución al deterioro especulativo de los mercados; las redes sociales son el remedio a la fragilidad de nuestras vidas nómadas y globalizadas; la ciberpolítica aspira a regenerar nuestras democracias exhaustas.

In 1981, emboldened by Ronald Reagan’s election, a group of some 50 Republican operatives, evangelicals, oil barons and gun lobbyists met in a Washington suburb to coordinate their attack on civil liberties and the social safety net. These men and women called their coalition the Council for National Policy. Over four decades, this elite club has become a strategic nerve centre for channelling money and mobilising votes behind the scenes.

During the final three years of the Obama administration, Richard Stengel, the former editor of Time magazine and an Under Secretary of State, was the single person in government tasked with unpacking, disproving, and combating both ISIS's messaging and Russian disinformation. Then, in 2016, as the presidential election unfolded, Stengel watched as Donald Trump used disinformation himself, weaponizing the grievances of Americans who felt overlooked. In fact, Stengel quickly came to see how all three players had used the same playbook: ISIS sought to make Islam great again....

From a rising star at The New Yorker, a deeply immersive chronicle of how the optimistic entrepreneurs of Silicon Valley set out to create a free and democratic internet - and how the cynical propagandists of the alt-right exploited that freedom to propel the extreme into the mainstream.

Hitler offers a deeply learned and radically revisionist biography, arguing that the dictator's main strategic enemy, from the start of his political career in the 1920s, was not communism or the Soviet Union, but capitalism and the United States. Whereas most historians have argued that Hitler underestimated the American threat, Simms shows that Hitler embarked on a preemptive war with the United States precisely because he considered it such a potent adversary.

Tras el derrumbe de la utopía neoliberal, el gran consenso ideológico de nuestro tiempo es la capacidad de las tecnologías de la comunicación para inducir dinámicas sociales positivas. La economía del conocimiento se considera unánimemente como la solución al deterioro especulativo de los mercados; las redes sociales son el remedio a la fragilidad de nuestras vidas nómadas y globalizadas; la ciberpolítica aspira a regenerar nuestras democracias exhaustas. Sociofobia cuestiona este dogma ciberfetichista.

In the tradition of Neil Postman's masterpiece Amusing Ourselves to Death, Audience of One shows how American media have shaped American society and politics, by interweaving two crucial stories. The first story follows the evolution of television from the three-network era of the 20th century, which joined millions of Americans in a shared monoculture, into today's zillion-channel, internet-atomized universe, which sliced and diced them into fractious, alienated subcultures. The second story is a cultural critique of Donald Trump.

Microsoft President Brad Smith operates by a simple core belief: When your technology changes the world, you bear a responsibility to help address the world you have helped create. This might seem uncontroversial, but it flies in the face of a tech sector long obsessed with rapid growth and sometimes on disruption as an end in itself. While sweeping digital transformation holds great promise, we have reached an inflection point. The world has turned information technology into both a powerful tool and a formidable weapon.

A brilliant, invigorating account of the great writers on both sides of the Iron Curtain who played the dangerous games of espionage, dissidence, and subversion that changed the course of the Cold War.

Véritable petit guide pratique écrit en 1928 par le neveu américain de Sigmund Freud, ce livre expose cyniquement et sans détour les grands principes de la manipulation mentale de masse ou de ce que Bernays appelait la "fabrique du consentement". Comment imposer une nouvelle marque de lessive ? Comment faire élire un président ? Dans la logique des "démocraties de marché", ces questions se confondent. Bernays assume pleinement ce constat : les choix des masses étant déterminants, ceux qui parviendront à les influencer détiendront réellement le pouvoir.

En af tidens hårdeste kampe er den, der bliver udkæmpet inden for identitet. I en konflikt mellem modsætninger bruger man bruger sin identitet til at adskille sig fra andre og til at forene sig med andre med samme identitet. Modsætningerne går for eksempel på køn, etnicitet, ulighed og religion. Konflikten opstår især i krisetider, hvor man vil gerne vide, hvem man skal rette sin vrede imod. Her er identitetspolitikkens klare svar: De andre! De sociale medier er gunstige miljøer for at skabe konflikter, for her dyrkes adskillelsen mellem to identiteter.

Peter Pomerantsev takes us to the front lines of the disinformation age, where he meets Twitter revolutionaries and pop-up populists, "behavioral change" salesmen, Jihadi fanboys, Identitarians, truth cops, and many others. Forty years after his dissident parents were pursued by the KGB, Pomerantsev finds the Kremlin re-emerging as a great propaganda power. His research takes him back to Russia - but the answers he finds there are not what he expected.

"No provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider." Did you know that these 26 words are responsible for much of America's multibillion-dollar online industry? What we can and cannot write, say, and do online is based on just one law - a law that protects online services from lawsuits based on user content. Jeff Kosseff exposes the workings of section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, which has lived mostly in the shadows since its enshrinement in 1996.

The internet has transformed the ways we think and act, and by consequence, our politics. The most impactful recent political movements on the far left and right started with massive online collectives of teenagers. Strangely, both movements began on the same website: an anime imageboard called 4chan.org. It Came from Something Awful is the fascinating and bizarre story of 4chan and its profound effect on youth counterculture.

The Three Languages of Politics is a profoundly illuminating exploration of communication in America’s political landscape. Progressives, conservatives, and libertarians are like tribes speaking different languages. This is an accessible, precise, and insightful guide to lowering the barriers coarsening our politics. This is not a book about one ideology over another. Instead, it is a book about how we communicate issues and ideologies and how language intended to persuade instead divides.

Die Grenzen zwischen Krieg und Frieden werden immer poröser: Wirtschaftskriege, Cyberkriege, hybride Kriege, Propagandakriege. Krieg ist, global betrachtet, zu einem Normalzustand geworden. Wir leben in Zeiten des permanenten Krieges. Krieg geht stets mit Kriegspropaganda einher. Ulrich Teusch seziert in diesem Buch aktuelle und historische Propagandastrategien und beleuchtet die Interessen der Kriegsverkäufer in Politik, Wirtschaft, Militär und Medien. Die gute Nachricht: So bedrohlich Kriegspropaganda nach wie vor ist - sie hat den Zenit ihrer Leistungsfähigkeit überschritten.

Jeffries spares no one and nothing in this explosive new book. The atrocities of Union troops during the Civil War, and Allied troops during World War II, are documented in great detail. The Nuremberg Trials are presented as the antithesis of justice. In the follow-up to his previous, bestselling book Hidden History: An Exposé of Modern Crimes, Conspiracies, and Cover-Ups in American Politics, Jeffries demonstrates that crimes, corruption, and conspiracies didn't start with the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.

Lecturer, syndicated columnist, television commentator, debater, marketer, businessman, best-selling author, publisher, and activist L. Brent Bozell III is one of the most outspoken and effective national leaders in the conservative movement today. As the founder and president of the Media Research Center, Mr. Bozell runs the largest media watchdog organization in America and is uniquely positioned to offer this blazing critique of the bias in the national media and how they undermine American democracy.

In today’s chaotic world, where the multiplication of information sources creates competing narratives, credibility is the key to winning the war of ideas. This is the reason why governments and corporations resort to astroturfing - creation of ostensibly grassroots movements set up to advance political agendas and commercial campaigns. The democratization of information and polarization of politics offer a perfect storm.

American society has always been fertile ground for conspiracy theories, but with the election of Donald Trump, previously outlandish ideas suddenly attained legitimacy. Trump himself is a conspiracy enthusiast: from his claim that global warming is a Chinese hoax to the accusations of “fake news”, he has fanned the flames of suspicion. But it was not by the power of one man alone that these ideas gained new power. Republic of Lies looks beyond the caricatures of conspiracy theorists to explain their tenacity.