検索キーワード： プロパガンダ・政治心理学

Activists, pundits, politicians, and the press frequently proclaim today's digitally mediated racial justice activism the new civil rights movement. As Charlton D. McIlwain shows in this book, the story of racial justice movement organizing online is much longer and varied than most people know. Beginning with the simultaneous rise of civil rights and computer revolutions in the 1960s, McIlwain, for the first time, chronicles the long relationship between African Americans, computing technology, and the Internet.

It seeks to explain this perfect storm of money, technology, and partisanship that has created two entirely separate news spheres: a small, enclosed circle for the right wing and a sprawling expanse for everyone else. This leads to two sets of facts, two narratives, and two loudly divergent political sides with extraordinary anger all around. Based on extensive interviews with leading media figures and politicos, this book traces the development of the media machine, giving suggestions on how to restore our national dialogue while defending our right to disagree agreeably.

In this characteristically turbocharged new book, celebrated Rolling Stone journalist Matt Taibbi provides an insider's guide to the variety of ways today's mainstream media tells us lies. In the internet age, the press have mastered the art of monetizing anger, paranoia, and distrust. Taibbi, who has spent much of his career covering elections in which this kind of manipulative activity is most egregious, provides a rich taxonomic survey of American political journalism's dirty tricks.

As is often observed, Trump is a symptom of a virus that has been incubating for at least 50 years. But not often observed is where the virus is imbedded: in the psychic core of our identity. In American Manifesto: Saving Democracy from Villains, Vandals, and Ourselves, Bob Garfield examines the tragic confluence of the American preoccupation with identity and the catastrophic disintegration of the mass media.

With his blunt-force fame and the myths he’s propagated about himself, Donald Trump has always moved in a world of gossip barons, crooked lawyers, and porn stars. But when he became the Republican nominee for the presidency in 2016, all of these characters crawled out from the underbelly of Trump’s stardom and stumbled onto the global stage with him. In The Fixers, Joe Palazzolo and Michael Rothfeld have produced a deeply reported and exquisitely drawn portrait of that world, full of secret phone calls, hidden texts, and desperate deals,.

Fake news posts and Twitter trolls were just the beginning. What will happen when misinformation moves from our social media feeds into our everyday lives? Online disinformation stormed our political process in 2016 and has only worsened since. Yet as Samuel Woolley shows in this urgent book, it...

Because we are continuously taking in information from a variety of sources, we are under constant threat from those who would intentionally (or accidentally) misinform - from foreign operatives, advertisers, politicians, and general scammers to our own friends and family. To better prepare you, IREX (International Research & Exchanges Board) has teamed up with The Great Courses to provide a guide for navigating this tricky landscape with this eight-lecture course designed to arm you with the skills you need to be a savvy media consumer.

Donald J. Trump did not migrate from the pit of hell in the year 2016 to run for president of the United States of America. He was already a staple diet of the people of this morally decadent society in which he spewed hatred and lies, as a matter of course. This unmitigated liar was already known for his bigotry and misogynistic attitude which he publicly displayed with theatrical flair. His character flaws were like a flashing neon sign on Times Square.

Tras el derrumbe de la utopía neoliberal, el gran consenso ideológico de nuestro tiempo es la capacidad de las tecnologías de la comunicación para inducir dinámicas sociales positivas. La economía del conocimiento se considera unánimemente como la solución al deterioro especulativo de los mercados; las redes sociales son el remedio a la fragilidad de nuestras vidas nómadas y globalizadas; la ciberpolítica aspira a regenerar nuestras democracias exhaustas.

In 1981, emboldened by Ronald Reagan’s election, a group of some 50 Republican operatives, evangelicals, oil barons and gun lobbyists met in a Washington suburb to coordinate their attack on civil liberties and the social safety net. These men and women called their coalition the Council for National Policy. Over four decades, this elite club has become a strategic nerve centre for channelling money and mobilising votes behind the scenes.

During the final three years of the Obama administration, Richard Stengel, the former editor of Time magazine and an Under Secretary of State, was the single person in government tasked with unpacking, disproving, and combating both ISIS's messaging and Russian disinformation. Then, in 2016, as the presidential election unfolded, Stengel watched as Donald Trump used disinformation himself, weaponizing the grievances of Americans who felt overlooked. In fact, Stengel quickly came to see how all three players had used the same playbook: ISIS sought to make Islam great again....

From a rising star at The New Yorker, a deeply immersive chronicle of how the optimistic entrepreneurs of Silicon Valley set out to create a free and democratic internet - and how the cynical propagandists of the alt-right exploited that freedom to propel the extreme into the mainstream.

Tras el derrumbe de la utopía neoliberal, el gran consenso ideológico de nuestro tiempo es la capacidad de las tecnologías de la comunicación para inducir dinámicas sociales positivas. La economía del conocimiento se considera unánimemente como la solución al deterioro especulativo de los mercados; las redes sociales son el remedio a la fragilidad de nuestras vidas nómadas y globalizadas; la ciberpolítica aspira a regenerar nuestras democracias exhaustas. Sociofobia cuestiona este dogma ciberfetichista.

In the tradition of Neil Postman's masterpiece Amusing Ourselves to Death, Audience of One shows how American media have shaped American society and politics, by interweaving two crucial stories. The first story follows the evolution of television from the three-network era of the 20th century, which joined millions of Americans in a shared monoculture, into today's zillion-channel, internet-atomized universe, which sliced and diced them into fractious, alienated subcultures. The second story is a cultural critique of Donald Trump.

Microsoft President Brad Smith operates by a simple core belief: When your technology changes the world, you bear a responsibility to help address the world you have helped create. This might seem uncontroversial, but it flies in the face of a tech sector long obsessed with rapid growth and sometimes on disruption as an end in itself. While sweeping digital transformation holds great promise, we have reached an inflection point. The world has turned information technology into both a powerful tool and a formidable weapon.

A brilliant, invigorating account of the great writers on both sides of the Iron Curtain who played the dangerous games of espionage, dissidence, and subversion that changed the course of the Cold War.

Véritable petit guide pratique écrit en 1928 par le neveu américain de Sigmund Freud, ce livre expose cyniquement et sans détour les grands principes de la manipulation mentale de masse ou de ce que Bernays appelait la "fabrique du consentement". Comment imposer une nouvelle marque de lessive ? Comment faire élire un président ? Dans la logique des "démocraties de marché", ces questions se confondent. Bernays assume pleinement ce constat : les choix des masses étant déterminants, ceux qui parviendront à les influencer détiendront réellement le pouvoir.

En af tidens hårdeste kampe er den, der bliver udkæmpet inden for identitet. I en konflikt mellem modsætninger bruger man bruger sin identitet til at adskille sig fra andre og til at forene sig med andre med samme identitet. Modsætningerne går for eksempel på køn, etnicitet, ulighed og religion. Konflikten opstår især i krisetider, hvor man vil gerne vide, hvem man skal rette sin vrede imod. Her er identitetspolitikkens klare svar: De andre! De sociale medier er gunstige miljøer for at skabe konflikter, for her dyrkes adskillelsen mellem to identiteter.

Learn how the perception of truth has been weaponized in modern politics with this "insightful" account of propaganda in Russia and beyond during the age of disinformation (New York Times). When information is a weapon, every opinion is an act of war. We live in a world of influence operations...

"No provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider." Did you know that these 26 words are responsible for much of America's multibillion-dollar online industry? What we can and cannot write, say, and do online is based on just one law - a law that protects online services from lawsuits based on user content. Jeff Kosseff exposes the workings of section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, which has lived mostly in the shadows since its enshrinement in 1996.