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We Are Not One People is a bold, pathbreaking, and far-reaching account of disunionists from 1776 to the present who wanted, as phrased in the Declaration of Independence, "to dissolve the political bands" connecting them to other Americans.

The world is currently experiencing the lowest levels of democracy we have seen in over thirty years. Autocracy is on the rise, and while the cost of autocracy seems evident, it nevertheless remains an attractive option to many. While leaders like Viktor Orbán disrupt democratic foundations from within, autocrats like Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin do so from abroad, eroding democratic institutions and values and imperilling democracies that appear increasingly fragile.

Oggi siamo subissati da informazioni in ogni momento, in ogni luogo, come mai era accaduto prima. Ma se una volta c’erano professionisti del settore a fungere da filtro tra notizia e fruitore, con l’avvento dei social oggi ognuno di noi si ritrova di fatto abbandonato a se stesso. Se in qualche caso il problema è distinguere il vero dal falso, in altri il punto è semplicemente riuscire a capirci qualcosa. Perché l’informazione, anche quella più sana e fedele ai fatti, ha un grande ma inevitabile difetto: dà per scontato che si sappia di che cosa si stia parlando.

COVID-19 is the biggest public health and economic disaster of our time. It has posed the same threat across the globe, yet countries have responded very differently and some have clearly fared much better than others. Peter Baldwin uncovers the reasons why in this definitive account of the global politics of pandemic. He shows that how nations responded depended above all on the political tools available—how firmly could the authorities order citizens' lives and how willingly would they be obeyed?

Is our democracy corroding? In this original, eloquent essay, Waleed Aly and Scott Stephens explore the ethics and politics of public debate—and the threat it now faces. In a healthy society we need the capacity to disagree. Yet Aly and Stephens note a growing tendency to disdain and dismiss opponents, to treat them with contempt. This toxic partisanship has been imported from the United States, where it has been a temptation for both left and right.

Estados Unidos como potencia económica es objeto de deseo mundial. Tanto entre las elites, que lo ven como lo más cercano a la utopía del libre mercado, la competencia y la privatización, como entre los más pobres, embebidos por un incesante imperialismo cultural que les graba a fuego el American Dream de la tierra de las oportunidades. Sin embargo, la realidad difiere bastante de la imagen que Washington proyecta ante el mundo, especialmente en el caso de la clase media y trabajadora.

Conservatives often find themselves in discussions with liberals who relentlessly hammer conservatives with insults, accusations, and unfounded assumptions about conservatism. The question is: What is a proud and informed conservative to do? The answer is 13 1/2 Reasons Why Not to Be a Liberal: And How to Enlighten Others, the conservative playbook to persuasive facts and arguments that detail the policies, accomplishments, and often-ignored compassionate nature of the conservative philosophy.

Para aquellos que vivimos en su día la caída del Muro de Berlín y el colapso de la Unión Soviética, la situación actual nos plantea un enigma sorprendente: ¿cómo es posible que el mundo occidental, que había salido victorioso de la Guerra Fría, haya terminado perdiendo la partida ante las fuerzas antidemocráticas, tanto internas como externas? ¿Cómo es posible que la propia democracia liberal esté dando cada vez más muestras de colapso en Occidente, mientras en el resto del planeta resurgen con fuerza los totalitarismos que creíamos derrotados?

Backed by Brazil’s wealthy agribusiness groups, a growing evangelical movement, and an emboldened military and police force, Jair Bolsonaro took office in 2019. Driven by the former army captain’s brand of controversial, aggressive rhetoric, the divisive presidential campaign saw fake news and misinformation shared with Bolsonaro’s tens of millions of social media followers.

Most Americans were shocked by the violence they witnessed at the nation's Capital on January 6th, 2021. And many were bewildered by the images displayed by the insurrectionists: a wooden cross and wooden gallows; "Jesus saves" and "Don't Tread on Me;" Christian flags and Confederate Flags; even a prayer in Jesus's name after storming the Senate chamber. Where some saw a confusing jumble, Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry saw a familiar ideology: white Christian nationalism.

"I dag går Venstre og Dansk Folkeparti hånd i hånd i kynisk spekulation i at bekræfte fordomme og bygge modsætninger op. Os mod de andre. Som i andre lande udnyttes angsten for at tabe identitet. Det er trist at overvære, hvordan nogle af Venstres topfolk bruger gammelt grundtvigiansk tankegods som en slags åndelig legitimitet. Det er både uliberalt og usolidarisk. Og jeg ville ønske, at jeg også kunne kalde det udansk. I hvert fald er det ueuropæisk. For vi europæere findes i mange udgaver. Og bor hulter til bulter.

Nicholas Goedert tackles the controversies, litigation, and effects surrounding partisan gerrymandering of Congress. He contends that the appropriate actors to address the fairness of a map are nonpartisan commissions within each state, not the US courts. Goedert illustrates how existing measures and legal standards are too narrow—while they are well-adapted to evaluating maps in swing states in close elections, they fail to properly address states or national electoral environments that favor one party.

Barack Obama famously said that the purpose of social movements is to get a seat at the table. However, as Deva Woodly argues in Reckoning—a sweeping account of the meaning and purpose of the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL)—the value of such movements is something much more profound: they are necessary for the health and survival of democracy. Drawing from on-the-ground interviews with activists in the movement, Woodly analyzes the emergence of the M4BL, its organizational structure and culture, and its strategies and tactics.

To anticipate and inform future responses to demographic change, Justin Gest looks to the past. In Majority Minority, Gest wields historical analysis and interview-based fieldwork inside six of the world's few societies that have already experienced a majority minority transition to understand what factors produce different social outcomes. Gest concludes that states hold great power to shape public responses and perceptions of demographic change through political institutions and the rhetoric of leaders.

The Consequences of Humiliation explores the nature of national humiliation and its impact on foreign policy. Joslyn Barnhart demonstrates that Germany's catastrophic reaction to humiliation at the end of World War I is part of a broader pattern: states that experience humiliating events are more likely to engage in international aggression aimed at restoring the state's image in its own eyes and in the eyes of others. Her examination of how national humiliation functions at the individual level explores leaders' domestic incentives to evoke a sense of national humiliation.

La "Trappola di Tucidide" è stata di recente evocata dal presidente Xi Jinping per esortare gli Stati Uniti e la stessa Cina a evitare il tipico confronto, dal prevedibile sbocco violento, che può innescarsi tra una potenza consolidata e una emergente, come accadde fra Sparta e Atene. Ripreso più e più volte da studiosi e policy maker, questo richiamo a dinamiche di un tempo lontanissimo suggerisce che molti ritengano il contesto internazionale attuale, nella sua essenza, non differente da quello di cui Tucidide scriveva.

For decades now wealth and power have been shifting from states to markets. This experiment has been a failure for all but a privileged few. But this trend is beginning to reverse, accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic, which has seen the state play the most direct and positive role in citizens’ everyday lives in living memory. Graeme Garrard makes a powerful case for the state as our only realistic hope of countering the rising power of multinational corporations, organized crime, and international organizations that will always put their own interests first.

Galtieri, Lukashenka, and Putin are some of the dictators whose untrammeled personal power has been seen as typical of the dog-eat-dog nature of leadership in authoritarian political systems.

Reagan, Thatcher, Mitterrand, Kohl, Clinton, Blair, Schröder, Berlusconi, Obama, Cameron, Sarkozy, Merkel, Renzi: nelle parabole di questi leader, accomunati dalla pretesa di rappresentare il nuovo e il cambiamento, si può cogliere il ruolo cruciale che gioca la narrazione nei sistemi politici. Attingendo alle scienze sociali, alla psicologia e alle neuroscienze, il libro illustra i meccanismi che rendono efficace lo storytelling per creare emozioni, identificazione e coinvolgimento con il leader narratore.

Why Governments Get It Wrong argues that governments are at their most effective when they get their ducks in a row. There are four elements to policymaking that need to be aligned for a policy to be a success, but so often it goes wrong. By examining where governments get it wrong and also their successes, renowned Cambridge academic Dennis C. Grube shows there is a way for governments to get it right and improve all our lives in the process.