検索キーワード： 資本主義

For Jenn Shapland, the barrier between herself and the world is porous; she was even diagnosed with extreme dermatologic sensitivity—thin skin.

Max Weber stellt sich in diesem Werk die zentrale Frage, was die abendländische Moderne so besonders macht und den ihr spezifischen wirtschaftlichen Aufschwung im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert voran trieb. Dabei analysiert er die Ursprünge und Voraussetzungen des Kapitalismus und entdeckt eine bestimmte protestantische Ethik, die zu dieser Zeit in Mitteleuropa und Amerika vorherrschte. Im Zuge seiner Analyse untersucht er die Ausbreitung des Protestantismus und wie diese den Kapitalismus begünstige. Die protestantischen Puritaner seien dabei zunächst religiös motiviert gewesen.

Since the Founding, Americans have debated the true meaning of freedom. For some, freedom meant the provision of life’s necessities, those basic conditions for the “pursuit of happiness”. For others, freedom meant the civil and political rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights and unfettered access to the marketplace—nothing more. As Mark Paul explains, the latter interpretation—thanks in large part to a particularly influential cadre of economists—has all but won out among policymakers, with dire repercussions for American society.

The relationship between race and capitalism is one of the most enduring and controversial historical debates. The concept of racial capitalism offers a way out of this impasse. Racial capitalism is not simply a permutation, phase, or stage in the larger history of capitalism—since the beginning of the Atlantic slave trade and the colonization of the Americas, capitalism, in both material and ideological senses, has been racial, deriving social and economic value from racial classification and stratification.

LUCHEMOS CONTRA EL COMUNISMO QUE SE IMPARTE EN NUESTRAS ESCUELAS ENSEÑANDO CAPITALISMO... EN NUESTROS HOGARES

We just made it simple and easy for conservatives, Christians, patriots, and 80+ million Trump voters to fund conservative, patriotic, Christian companies and defund leftist woke companies! Let’s stop giving money to companies that hate us and start giving money to companies that respect us, celebrate us, focus on us, and inspire us!

Marx and Engels were right when they observed in the Communist Manifesto that free markets had in a short time created greater prosperity and more technological innovation than all previous generations combined. A century and a half later, all the evidence shows that capitalism has lifted millions and millions from hunger and poverty. Today's story about global capitalism, shared by right-wing and left-wing populists, but also by large sections of the political and economic establishment, does not deny that prosperity has been created, but it says it ended up in far too few hands.

For over two-hundred years, capitalist systems have overtaken the global economy, spreading near-universal growth and opening the floodgates for limitless human potential. Yet something is going terribly wrong in the world economy. National bestselling author George Gilder explains how economics is not an incentive system but an information system. Redefining capitalism for the modern age, he reveals how free enterprise is a mind driven system, material resources are essentially as infinite as atoms, and what governs economic growth is human creativity.

Three Wall Street firms have quietly amassed more money than Jeff Bezos, Elon Musk, Andrew Carnegie, and John Rockefeller combined. But the money isn’t even theirs. These asset managers have accumulated all their power through “passive funds,” as most investors no longer believe anyone can reliably pick stocks. Yet the Big Three have decided that they can reliably pick the right social policies instead.

Look at a map of the world and you'll see a neat patchwork of nation-states. But this is not where power actually resides. From the 1990s onwards, globalization has shattered the map, leading to an explosion of new legal entities: tax havens, free ports, city-states, gated enclaves and special economic zones. These new spaces are freed from ordinary forms of regulation, taxation and mutual obligation—and with them, ultracapitalists believe that it is possible to escape the bonds of democratic government and oversight altogether.

Look at a map of the world and you’ll see a colorful checkerboard of nation-states. But this is not where power actually resides. Over the last decade, globalization has shattered the map into different legal spaces: free ports, tax havens, special economic zones. With the new spaces, ultracapitalists have started to believe that it is possible to escape the bonds of democratic government and oversight altogether. Crack-Up Capitalism follows the most notorious radical libertarians around the globe as they search for the perfect space for capitalism.

At the height of the John Birch Society’s activity in the 1960s, critics dismissed its members as a paranoid fringe. After all, “Birchers” believed that a vast communist conspiracy existed in America and posed an existential threat to Christianity, capitalism, and freedom. But as historian Matthew Dallek reveals, the Birch Society’s extremism remade American conservatism. Most Birchers were white professionals who were radicalized as growing calls for racial and gender equality appeared to upend American life.

Geld gab es in ihrer Familie immer zu wenig. Als Kind fragte sie sich deshalb, wie manche achtlos hunderte Euro für Taschen, Schuhe, Steaks ausgeben können, während es gleichzeitig so viele Menschen gibt, für die 100 Euro ein kleines Vermögen sind. Inzwischen ist sie selbst eine von denen geworden, die verschwenderisch Geld ausgeben: 60 Euro für einen Skipass, 225 Euro für eine Katzentherapeutin, 748 Euro für ein Brautkleid. Immer noch rechnet sie die Beträge in Hartz-IV-Regelsätze um. Ganz offen erzählt Anna Mayr von ihrer eigenen Bürgerlichwerdung.

"Auf Grund einer nicht unbeträchtlichen Erfahrung stelle ich hier fest: der Kapitalist kennt die Rechte und Ansprüche des Arbeiters nicht, und der Arbeiter kennt die Nöte und Gefahren der Kapitalisten nicht. Darin liegt die wahre Ursache aller zwischen beiden aufkommenden Reibungen." Andrew Carnegie (1835 – 1919), der seinerzeit einer der drei reichsten Amerikaner war, schrieb einen der ersten Ratgeber für wirtschaftlichen Erfolg: "The Empire of Business". In diesem Bestseller erklärt er, wie man es nach oben schaffen kann – und begründete damit das Genre der "How-to"-Literatur.

"Der Mann, der in Reichtum stirbt, stirbt in Schande!" In der Tat, das sagte Andrew Carnegie (1835 – 1919), seinerzeit drittreichster Amerikaner nach John D. Rockefeller und Cornelius Vanderbilt. Gemessen an der Kaufkraft von 2014, besaß er ein Vermögen von über 300 Milliarden Dollar – und gab doch das meiste davon für wohltätige Zwecke wieder her. Er ließ zahlreiche Bibliotheken bauen, gründete eine Hochschule und förderte den Bau des Internationalen Gerichtshofs in Den Haag.

It's OK to be angry about capitalism. It's OK to want something better. Bernie Sanders takes on the 1% and speaks blunt truths about a system that is fuelled by uncontrolled greed, and rigged against ordinary people. Where a handful of oligarchs have never had it so good, with more money than they could spend in a thousand lifetimes, and the vast majority struggle to survive. Where a decent standard of living for all seems like an impossible dream.

Liberal democracy is in recession and authoritarianism is on the rise. The ties that ought to bind open markets to free and fair elections are being strained and spurned, even in democracy's notional heartlands. Around the world, powerful voices argue that capitalism is better without democracy; others that democracy is better without capitalism. This book is a forceful rejoinder to both views, offering a deep and lucid assessment of why the marriage between capitalism and democracy has grown so strained and making clear why a divorce would be an almost unthinkable calamity.

Why are we selling off the impressive public enterprises we often battled as a nation to create? In The Sport and Prey of Capitalists, Linda McQuaig challenges the dogma of privatization, which has defined our political era. She argues that now more than ever, as we grapple with climate change and income inequality, we need to expand, not shrink, our public sphere.

Originally published in 1776, Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations was lauded by America's founders as a landmark work of Enlightenment thinking. Glory Liu traces how generations of Americans have read, reinterpreted, and weaponized Smith's ideas, revealing how his popular image as a champion of American-style capitalism and free markets is a historical invention.

ह मधयतर आह अमरक!अय यई यई ! आमह नवन वरलड ऑरडरचय मधयभग आहत!समरजय वढतत, अधगत करतत आण पडतत. रमन, ओटमनस आण बरटशसह इतहसन हच चकर पहल आह. त सरव उदधवसत झल आहत आण जर आपण सवधगर बळगल नह तर अमरक पढल असल.