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La manovra infinita (e buon Natale). I lavori per la finanziaria in sei articoli di Repubblica: La posta in gioco sulla manovra, di Marcello Messori; Manovra, lo scatto dei tecnici salvavita, di Roberto Mania; Politici e tecnici, l'asimmetria del governo, di Stefano Folli; Stangata sui pensionati, tagli per 2,5 miliardi, di Roberto Petrini; Le Camere trasformate in una sala d'attesa, di Sebastiano Messina; Sondaggio: La Lega stacca i 5 Stelle: il divario è ormai di 7 punti, di Ilvo Diamanti; Buon Natale non buonista, di Stefano Massini.

The Carter presidency was on life support. The Democrats, desperate to keep power and yearning to resurrect former glory, turned to Ted Kennedy. Camelot's End details the incredible drama of Kennedy's challenge - what led to it, how it unfolded, and its lasting effects - with cinematic sweep. It is a story about what happened to the Democratic Party when the country's long string of successes, luck, and global dominance following World War II ran its course, and how, on a quest to recapture the magic of JFK, Democrats plunged themselves into an intra-party civil war.

Il Pd a pezzi. La crisi del Partito Democratico in sei articoli di Repubblica: Renzi e l'ipotesi scissione per correre alle europee, di Goffredo De Marchis; Minniti: "Ritiro la candidatura per salvare il partito, chi se ne va fa un regalo ai populisti", di Claudio Tito; Renzi, l'azzardo fra destra e sinistra, di Stefano Folli; Congresso Pd, Matteo Renzi si tiene le mani libere su scissione e nuovo partito, di Giovanna Casadio; Congresso Pd, Matteo Renzi e il partito: un amore mai sbocciato, di Marco Damilano.

Salvini e Di Maio, il governo separato in casa. I problemi nella maggioranza in sei articoli di Repubblica: Il pre-governo di Salvini, di Mario Calabresi; Di Maio: Basta guerre all'Europa, ma le misure non cambiano. Anche i mercati capiranno, di Annalisa Cuzzocrea; Governo, dalla manina alla monnezza, la lunga recita tra Salvini e Di Maio, di Francesco Merlo; Salvini, gli studenti e la gogna istituzionale, di Nadia Urbinati; La legge del gianduiotto, di Alessandro De Nicola; Un governo da ricucire ogni giorno, di Stefano Folli.

The scholarly and popular narrative of American politics has come to focus on ideology over all else. But as Donald T. Critchlow demonstrates in his riveting new book, this obsession obscures the important role of temperament, character, and leadership ability in political success. Critchlow looks at four leading Republican presidential contenders - Richard Nixon, Nelson Rockefeller, Barry Goldwater, and Ronald Reagan - to show that, behind the scenes, ideology mattered less than principled pragmatism and the ability to build coalitions toward electoral and legislative victory.

Uno dei casi politici che hanno caratterizzato la vita del governo Lega-5 stelle nel racconto di sei articoli di Repubblica: Quei messaggi di Casalino che avvelenano il clima politico, di Sergio Rizzo; L'audio di Rocco Casalino, i metodi da prima repubblica che ci allontanano dalla democrazia, di Sebastiano Messina; Sussurri e liste nere, così il metodo Rocco governa il Movimento, di Matteo Pucciarelli; Lo Stato, i tecnici e il bluff dei 5 stelle; di Stefano Cappellini; La guerra totale di Di Maio agli uomini del ministero dell'Economia, di Tommaso Ciriaco.

An acclaimed journalist and novelist explores the legacy and future of American liberalism through the history of his family's politically active history. Searching, engrossing, and persuasive, this is an original, intimate examination of the meaning of politics in American lives.

Il Partito Democratico tra crisi e ricostruzione, in sei analisi di Repubblica: Sinistra, la sindrome della Cosa. Il Pd e l'eterna ricerca di nomi, simboli, identità, di Concetto Vecchio. L'ultima cena del Pd, lontano dalla sua gente, di Caudio Tito. Pd, ormai due partiti in uno. I renziani senza candidato: si sfila anche Delrio, di Tommaso Ciriaco. Come fondare un movimento europeista al fianco del Pd, di Eugenio Scalfari. Pd, Renzi organizza la corrente e per fermare Zingaretti punta al rinvio del congresso, di Goffredo de Marchis.

Charlie Crist, the former Republican governor of Florida, spent years in the party's inner circle. In this no-holds-barred memoir, he shows why he switched sides and became a Democrat. After serving as a Republican governor - one who was on the short list for the vice presidency in 2008 - Charlie Crist made headlines when he decided to run for the U.S. Senate as an Independent. He was on the front page again when he endorsed President Obama in 2012 and spoke at the Democratic National Convention - and yet again when he officially joined the Democratic Party later that year.

The chaotic events leading up to Mitt Romney's defeat in the 2012 election indicated how far the Republican Party had rocketed rightward away from the center of public opinion. Republicans in Congress threatened to shut down the government and force a U.S. debt default. Tea Party activists mounted primary challenges against Republican officeholders who appeared to exhibit too much pragmatism or independence. Moderation and compromise were dirty words in the Republican presidential debates. The GOP, it seemed, had suddenly become a party of ideological purity. Except this development is not new at all.

The size and stability of the American middle class were once the envy of the world. But changes unleashed in the 1960s pitted Americans against one another politically in new and destructive ways. These battles continued to rage from that day to now, while everyone has fallen behind economically except the wealthy. Right-wing culture warriors blamed the decline on the moral shortcomings of "other" Americans - black people, feminists, gays, immigrants, union members - to court a fearful white working- and middle-class base with ever more bitter "us vs. them" politics.

Are Tea Party supporters merely a group of conservative citizens concerned about government spending? Or are they racists who refuse to accept Barack Obama as their president because he's not white? Change They Can't Believe In offers an alternative argument--that the Tea Party is driven by the reemergence of a reactionary movement in American politics that is fueled by a fear that America has changed for the worse.

There was entertainment at the Republican Gala on Sunday night. The climax was a full marching band of bagpipers. They must have been hired for the week since one kept hearing them on the following days, and at all odd times, heard them even in my hotel room at four am for a few were marching in the streets of San Francisco, sounding through the night, giving off the barbaric evocation of the Scots, all valor, wrath, firmitude, and treachery - the wild complete treachery of the Scots finding its way into the sound of the pipes.

One hundred and two years ago Teddy Roosevelt split the Republican Party to advance his progressive agenda. Progressivism, or Big Government Republicanism, became the philosophy of the Republican Party's establishment elite. Fifty years ago conservatives began a battle for control of the party. Now is the time for conservatives to finish the job and take back the Republican Party.

In The Obama Doctrine, Colin Dueck analyzes and explains what the Obama Doctrine in foreign policy actually is and maps out the competing visions on offer from the Republican Party. Dueck, a leading scholar of US foreign policy, contends it is now becoming clear that Obama's policy of international retrenchment is in large part a function of his emphasis on achieving domestic policy goals. There have been some successes in the approach, but there have also been costs.

In 1989, Francis Fukuyama famously announced the "end of history." The Berlin Wall had fallen; liberal democracy had won out. But what of illiberal democracy - the idea that popular majorities, working through the democratic process, might reject gender equality, religious freedoms, and other norms that Western democracies take for granted? Nowhere have such considerations become more relevant than in the Middle East, where the uprisings of 2011 swept the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist groups to power.

In this sweeping look at American politics from the Depression to the present, Doug McAdam and Karina Kloos argue that party politics alone is not responsible for the mess we find ourselves in. Instead, it was the ongoing interaction of social movements and parties that, over time, pushed Democrats and Republicans toward their ideological margins, undermining the post-war consensus in the process.

From debt ceiling standoffs to single-digit Congress approval ratings, America’s political system has never been more polarized - or paralyzed - than it is today. As best-selling author and public policy expert Charles Wheelan writes, now is the time for a pragmatic Centrist party that will identify and embrace the best Democratic and Republican ideals, moving us forward on the most urgent issues for our nation.

No skeletons were rattling in his closet, Thomas Eagleton assured George McGovern’s political director. But only eighteen days later—after a series of damaging public revelations and feverish behind-the-scenes maneuverings—McGovern rescinded his endorsement of his Democratic vice-presidential running mate, and Eagleton withdrew from the ticket. This fascinating book is the first to uncover the full story behind Eagleton's rise and precipitous fall as a national candidate.

In We Can All Do Better, for the first time since the financial meltdown and since the worst of the intensifying political gridlock, Bill Bradley offers his own concise, powerful, and highly personal review of the state of the nation. He argues that government is not the problem. He criticizes the role of money and politics, explains how continuing on our existing foreign policy, electoral, and economic paths will mean a diminished future, and lays out exactly what needs to be done to reverse course.