検索キーワード： 政治的主張・行動主義

How to Change a Law is a simple do-it-yourself manual for voters and policy advocates who want to take political action and change laws. Using the iLobby platform and our seven-step guide, you will learn how to craft your message, build a coalition, and move your issue forward. You will also learn to vote on issues, not just for candidates. Most of us confuse politics with policy. In this book, we're not talking about getting people elected to office.

Historian Sean Wilentz presents two key insights that together reveal a clearer, much-needed vision of American political history. First, partisanship has almost always been a feature of American history and in fact has made possible the nation's greatest social reforms. There is little to be gained from a "postpartisan" political world. Second, the recent attention to economic inequality has a long history. From the founders' generation to the present, America's egalitarian tradition has appeared and reappeared like an underground river.

In 1996 Amy Goodman started a radio show called Democracy Now! to focus on the issues that are underreported or ignored by mainstream news coverage. Shortly after September 11, 2001, they were broadcasting on television every weekday. Today it is the only public media in the US that airs simultaneously on satellite and cable television, radio, and the Internet. Now Amy and her journalist brother, David, share stories of the progressive heroes - the whistleblowers, the organizers, the protestors - who have brought about remarkable, often invisible change.

The issue is freedom: The liberty our founders gave us, or an increasingly intrusive government. If we give up our freedom, what will that do to our lives and our economy? This book presents what is undoubtedly the most comprehensive case for freedom and against statism available today. Every citizen should listen to it. Statism is the belief that government should control our lives. It is manifest in socialism, communism, dictatorship, and simple unlimited government. It is the opposite of freedom.

First published in 1971, Rules for Radicals is Saul Alinsky's impassioned counsel to young radicals on how to effect constructive social change and know "the difference between being a realistic radical and being a rhetorical one."

When Aspen Baker had an abortion at the age of 24, she felt caught between the warring pro-life and pro-choice factions, with no safe space to share her conflicted feelings. In this hopeful and moving book, Baker describes how she and Exhale, the organization she cofounded, developed their "pro-voice" philosophy and a set of tools that enable anyone to have respectful, compassionate exchanges about even the most contentious topics. Initially distrusted by both sides, Exhale now receives postabortion referrals from pro-life and pro-choice organizations.

Marriage equality has surged across the country. Closet doors have burst open in business, entertainment, and even major-league sports. But as longtime advocate Michelangelo Signorile argues in his most provocative book yet, the excitement of such breathless change makes this moment more dangerous than ever.

American freedom is being gutted. Whether we are trying to run a business, practice a vocation, raise our families, cooperate with our neighbors, or follow our religious beliefs, we run afoul of the government—not because we are doing anything wrong but because the government has decided it knows better. When we object, that government can and does tell us, “Try to fight this, and we’ll ruin you.”

In cultures that champion the individual, guilt is advertised as the cornerstone of conscience. Yet while guilt holds individuals to personal standards, it proves impotent in the face of corrupt corporate policies. In recent yearswe have been asked to assuage our guilt about these problems as consumers by buying organic foods or fair-trade products, for example. Yet unless nearly everyone participates, the impact of individual consumer consciousness is microscopic.

From the American Revolution through the Civil Rights movement, Americans have long mobilized against political, social, and economic privilege. Hierarchies based on inheritance, wealth, and political preferment were treated as obnoxious and a threat to democracy. Mass movements envisioned a new world supplanting dog-eat-dog capitalism. But over the last half-century that political will and cultural imagination have vanished. Why? The Age of Acquiescence seeks to solve that mystery.

Michael Nagler offers a step-by-step guide to using nonviolence creatively to confront any problem and to build change movements capable of restructuring the very bedrock of society. He identifies some specific tactical mistakes made by unsuccessful nonviolent actions, such as the Tiananmen Square demonstrations and the Occupy protests, and includes stories of successful nonviolent resistance from around the world, including an example from Nazi Germany.

Narrated by award winning narrator Mike Vendetti, Henry David argues that individuals should not permit governments to overrule or atrophy their consciences, and that they have a duty to avoid allowing such acquiescence to enable the government to make them the agents of injustice. Thoreau was motivated in part by his disgust with slavery and the Mexican-American War.

This book is about using psychological concepts for political activism. It is intended for politicos of all stripes, left or right; green, black, or white; Christian, Jew, or Muslim; male or female; fundamentalist or pacifist. It is primarily informed by the work of Dr. Carl G. Jung, who many regard as the greatest psychologist of the 20th century. The sole purpose of this book is to show by example how to "change the frame" so that political issues can be understood in a new way, in a new context, and beyond the same old tired rhetoric that we see on our cable television channels.

Conventional wisdom holds that John F. Kennedy was the first celebrity president, in no small part because of his innate television savvy. But as Kathryn Brownell shows, Kennedy capitalized on a tradition and style rooted in California politics and the Hollywood studio system. Since the 1920s, politicians and professional showmen have developed relationships and built organizations institutionalizing Hollywood styles, structures, and personalities in the American political process.

As Donald Gutstein shows, Harper has successfully used a strategy of incremental change coupled with denial of the underlying neo-liberal analysis that explains these hard-to-understand measures. The success of Harperism is no accident. Donald Gutstein documents the links between the politicians, think tanks, journalists, academics, and researchers who nurture and promote each other's neo-liberal ideas.

Dennis Banks, an American Indian of the Ojibwa Tribe and a founder of the American Indian Movement, is one of the most influential Indian leaders of our time. In Ojibwa Warrior, written with acclaimed writer and photographer Richard Erdoes, Banks tells his own story for the first time and also traces the rise of the American Indian Movement (AIM).

In Everyone Counts, PBP co-founder and executive director Josh Lerner provides a concise history of the organization's origins and its vision, highlighting its real-world successes in fostering grassroots budgeting campaigns in such cities as New York, Boston, and Chicago.

In Resister, Dancis not only gives listeners an insider's account of the antiwar and student protest movements of the ‘60s but also provides a rare look at the prison experiences of Vietnam-era draft resisters. Intertwining memory, reflection, and history, Dancis offers an engaging firsthand account of some of the era’s most iconic events. Along the way, Dancis also explores the relationship between the topical folk and rock music of the era and the political and cultural rebels who sought to change American society.

America is at a crucial turning point in its history, and Republicans have been losing ground to Democrats for too long. In Take No Prisoners, Horowitz sounds a clarion call for conservatives to use liberals' take-no-prisoners playbook against them. From his days as a founder of the radical New Left movement in the 1960s to his storied career as a leading conservative activist, Horowitz has a lifetime of experience in battleground politics. Now he lays out a winning political strategy for the Right that can save the country from sliding into economic and social ruin.

The authors examine the dynamic interplay of texts and their concomitant rhetorical situations by drawing on a number of case studies, including controversial constitutional arguments put forward by activists and presidents in the 19th century, inventive economic pivots by Franklin Roosevelt and Alan Greenspan, and the rhetorical trajectory and method of Barack Obama.