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Before his murder at twenty-five, Tupac Shakur rose to staggering artistic heights as the pre-eminent storyteller of the 90s, building, in the process, one of the most iconic public personas of the last half century. He recorded several platinum-selling albums, starred in major films and became an activist and political hero known the world over. In this cultural history and brilliantly researched biography, Van Nguyen reckons with Tupac's coming of age, fame and influence and how the political machinations that shaped him as a boy have since buoyed his legacy as a revolutionary.

Mary Wollstonecraft is widely hailed as the mother of modern feminism. The book that made her famous, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, is a work of worldwide renown. Yet the range of her achievements as a thinker and writer reach far beyond this text. She was a multi-faceted author, and although the condition of women was a constant preoccupation throughout her life, she wrote on a wide variety of topics and in a range of literary forms, some of which she created herself.

We are able to configure privacy settings on our devices and social media platforms, but we know our efforts pale in comparison to the scale of surveillance capitalism and algorithmic manipulation. In our hyperconnected era, many have begun to wonder whether it is still possible to live a private life, or whether it is no longer worth fighting for. The Right to Oblivion argues incisively and persuasively that we still can and should strive for privacy, though for different reasons than we might think.

"The communists do not preach morality at all"; this line from The Communist Manifesto might seem to settle the question of whether Marxism has anything to offer moral philosophy. Yet, Marx issued both trenchant critiques of "bourgeois" morality and thundering condemnations of capitalism's "vampire-like" destructiveness. He decried commodity-exchange for corroding our ability to value one another for who we are, not how much our lives could be traded away for.

Einstein said that repeating the same action over and over and expecting a different result is the definition of insanity. In John Fast's world, the two things which stand as shining examples of insanity are addiction and war. After spending years in warzones and after over thirty years as a recovering alcoholic, John has come to see the similarities between the stories told by our political leaders as they rationalise and justify their endless wars, and the stories told by chronic drunks all over the world as they rationalise and justify the insanity which is prevalent in their lives.

This book presents a public collection of four foundational documents central to the creation of the United States of America: the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights. Together, these texts serve as invaluable primary sources for understanding the American Revolution and the establishment of the nation's republican government.

In Minority Rule, Sarkar exposes how a strategic misdirection of blame over who is really screwing everything up is keeping the majority divided, while the real ruling minority of hedge fund managers, press barons, landlords and corporations remain on top. And it’s facilitating one of the biggest power grabs in history. Most crucially, she shows us how what we really have in common is being concealed by a deafening culture of distraction – and that the first step towards a better future is understanding what is happening now, and how we got here.

Inspirada observadora y apasionada de la historia, Solnit es una de las críticas culturales más creativas, penetrantes y elocuentes que escriben hoy en día. En Esperanza en la oscuridad, su crítica más personal hasta la fecha, reflexiona sobre los logros cruciales, a menudo subestimados, de los activistas de base.

Érase una vez un grupo de libertarios que idearon el Proyecto Free Town, un plan para tomar el control de una ciudad estadounidense y eliminar por completo su gobierno. En 2004, en Grafton (Nuevo Hampshire), un asentamiento apenas poblado con una carretera asfaltada, se hizo realidad ese plan. La financiación pública de casi todo se redujo: del cuerpo de bomberos, la biblioteca, la escuela. Las leyes estatales y federales no desaparecieron, pero se hicieron más silenciosas: suaves sugerencias que apenas se oían en la espesura del pueblo. Los osos, en cambio, eran cada vez más visibles.

Para la construcción de esta obra, Sacristán, posiblemente el más destacado intelectual español de izquierdas de la segunda mitad del siglo XX, sigue dos reglas: primera, no separar completamente los textos "personales" de Gramsci de los textos públicos, sino considerar que la cronología es más fuerte razón de homogeneidad que el género literario; y segunda, acentuar la temática en la que se realiza la unidad de la "obra", que no es otra que la literatura política.

From Trump’s America to Putin’s Russia, and from Poland to the Philippines, rapid change and rising inequality have fueled a retreat into tribalist nationalism fed by a fear of being left behind. Populist leaders tap into this fear, with empty promises of looking out for the little guy and promising a return to national greatness. This is happening in countries across the globe and the political spectrum. Political scientists Drache and Froese have turned original research into a compelling analysis of the rise of populism and reveal what it will take to douse the flames.

It has been proclaimed many times, but perhaps never more convincingly than now, when every news cycle seems to deliver further confirmation of a world gone mad. Is this the endgame? Author Spencer Klavan is a classicist, with a Ph.D. from Oxford, and a deep understanding of the West. His analysis: The situation is dire. But every crisis we face today, we have faced before. And we can surmount each one. Klavan brings to the West’s defense the insights of Plato, Aristotle, the Bible, and the Founding Fathers to show that in the wisdom of the past lies hope for the future.

Robert Nozick was a professor of philosophy at Harvard University who is most famous for his contributions to political philosophy. His 1974 book Anarchy, State, and Utopia helped establish the classical liberal or libertarian perspective as a viable alternative to redistributive egalitarian liberalism and to socialism. Despite many philosophers’ disagreements with Nozick’s arguments, those arguments could not be ignored.

No single individual is ever the sole founder of any major stance in political philosophy. Nevertheless, if one were forced to name the founder of the classical liberal perspective in political thought which holds as its primary political principle that individual liberty is to be respected and protected, one would have to point to the English philosopher John Locke.

„El hombre nace libre y, sin embargo, por todas partes se encuentra encadenado.“ - En El contrato social, Rousseau explora el concepto de libertad y las estructuras políticas que pueden permitir que las personas la adquieran. Argumenta que el poder soberano de un estado no reside en ningún gobernante sino en la voluntad de la población en general.

Poverty costs our country more than a trillion dollars a year for myriad complex reasons. Ending it would result in joy that is hard to quantify. Yet for all the complexities involved, the “how” of it all–the way to escape national suffering and decline and start off toward a future of organic, resilient national growth–is simple.

El síntoma más angustiante de la mayoría de los conflictos que ven el día en la actualidad es su carácter irreal. Tienen aún menos realidad que el conflicto entre griegos y troyanos. En el centro de la guerra de Troya había, al menos, una mujer que era, por cierto, la perfección de la belleza. Para nuestros contemporáneos el lugar de Helena lo ocupan palabras escritas con mayúscula. Si tomamos una de esas palabras, infladas a base de sangre y lágrimas, e intentamos estrujarla, la encontraremos vacía de contenido. Las palabras con contenido y con sentido no son mortíferas.

David Harvey's Companion to Marx's Grundrisse builds upon his widely acclaimed companions to the first and second volumes of Capital in a way that will reach as wide an audience as possible. Marx's stated ambition for this text is to reveal "the exact development of the concept of capital as the fundamental concept of modern economics, just as capital itself is the foundation of bourgeois society."

Most people believe democracy is a uniquely just form of government. They believe people have the right to an equal share of political power. And they believe that political participation is good for us—it empowers us, helps us get what we want, and tends to make us smarter, more virtuous, and more caring for one another. These are some of our most cherished ideas about democracy. But Jason Brennan says they are all wrong. In this trenchant book, Brennan argues that democracy should be judged by its results—and the results are not good enough.

The Prince is a 16th-century political treatise written by Italian diplomat and political theorist Niccolò Machiavelli as an instruction guide for new princes and royals. The Prince is sometimes claimed to be one of the first works of modern philosophy, especially modern political philosophy, in which the "effectual" truth is taken to be more important than any abstract ideal.