検索キーワード： 哲学

There was a time when liberalism was an ism like any other, but that time, writes Michael Walzer, is gone. “Liberal” now conveys not a specific ideology but a moral stance, so the word is best conceived not as a noun but as an adjective—one is a “liberal democrat” or a “liberal nationalist.” Walzer itemizes the characteristics described by “liberal” in an inventory of his own deepest political and moral commitments—among other things, to the principle of equality, to the rule of law, and to a pluralism that is both political and cultural.

Karl Popper is a sleeping giant of the 20th century. The Logic of Scientific Discovery transformed the philosophy of science and is one of the classics of modern political philosophy. He combined the principles of social democracy and classical liberalism to resolve a number of issues which confuse and divide the friends of freedom. The Open Society and Its Enemies is Karl Popper’s contribution to the allied war effort, written in New Zealand during the darkest days of World War II.

Hasta el coño de lo trans. Así está Elizabeth Duval. Cansada de ser la jovencísima activista antes que la escritora o la filósofa. Está harta y de ese mismo aborrecimiento nace la rabia que mueve este libro, el último de sus esfuerzos para desprenderse del sambenito de lo trans. Pero esto no es una autoficción ni mucho menos un panfleto que pueda repetirse sin digerir. Después de lo trans es un ensayo visceral y ambicioso que acierta en la médula de las guerras culturales e identitarias de nuestro siglo.

América Latina vivió intensamente la Guerra Fría en la política, pero también en la cultura. La Revolución cubana jugó un papel central en aquel conflicto, en buena medida, por haber sido un movimiento político que en el lapso de una década recorrió casi todas las facetas de la izquierda regional. La polis literaria nos muestra ese camino y pone voz a todos los intelectuales de aquella época.

Democracy is in trouble. Populism is a common scapegoat, but not the root cause. More basic are social and economic transformations eroding the foundations of democracy, ruling elites trying to lock in their own privilege, and cultural perversions like making individualistic freedom the enemy of democracy's other crucial ideals of equality and solidarity. In Degenerations of Democracy, three of our most prominent intellectuals investigate democracy gone awry, locate our points of fracture, and suggest paths to democratic renewal.

Elisabeth R. Anker reckons with the complex legacy of freedom offered by liberal American democracy, outlining how the emphasis of individual liberty has always been entangled with white supremacy, settler colonialism, climate destruction, economic exploitation, and patriarchy. These "ugly freedoms" legitimate the right to exploit and subjugate others. At the same time, Anker locates an unexpected second type of ugly freedom in practices and situations, often dismissed as demeaning, offensive, gross, and ineffectual, but that provide sources of emancipatory potential.

"El hombre nace libre y, sin embargo, por todas partes se encuentra encadenado." En El contrato social, Rousseau explora el concepto de libertad y las estructuras políticas que pueden permitir que las personas la adquieran. Argumenta que el poder soberano de un estado no reside en ningún gobernante sino en la voluntad de la población en general. Rousseau argumenta que el estado ideal sería una democracia directa donde la toma de decisiones ejecutivas la llevan a cabo ciudadanos reunidos en asamblea, como lo harían en la antigua ciudad-estado de Atenas.

Fighting a superior foe is a momentous task. There are many ways it can be done; there are many ways victories can be achieved. In war, there are no rules, there are no laws; there are only strategies and tactics. Many say what they would do in the face of tyranny; many know what they should do when the powerful become predators. A divided people can be isolated and devoured. Survival depends upon the masses forming one mind.

Was macht einen gerechten Staat aus? Was schafft Wohlstand, was Frieden, was müssen wir Menschen lernen? Unsere Box vereint diese Grundlagentexte der politischen Theorie: "Die Kunst des Krieges" (Sun Tzu), "Die Apologie des Sokrates" (Platon), "Der Fürst" (N. Machiavelli), "Der Weg zum Wohlstand" (B. Franklin), "Was ist Aufklärung?" (I. Kant), "Der hessische Landbote" (G. Büchner), "Das kommunistische Manifest" (K. Marx / F. Engels), "Die protestantische Ethik" (M. Weber).

As Elizabeth Anscombe, Philippa Foot, Mary Midgley, and Iris Murdoch labored to make a place for themselves in a male-dominated world, as they made friendships and families, and as they drifted toward and away from each other, they never stopped insisting that some lives are better than others. Drawing on a cluster of recently opened archives and extensive correspondence and interviews with those who knew them best, Benjamin Lipscomb traces the lives and ideas of four friends who gave us a better way to think about ethics, and ourselves.

In Nordic Ideology, the anticipated sequel to The Listening Society, the great philosopher Hanzi Freinacht strikes again from his refuge in the Alps—now with a yet bolder mission: to write social and political theory as a thriller. This book can be listened to independently of the first one, and it outlines a path to a metamodern society, emerging from the Nordic countries—one that emerges from but ultimately cancels and outcompetes modern society as we know it, while saving the world-system from collapse. How can this be achieved?

In questa opera del 1884, il filosofo Herbert Spencer esprime il suo pensiero politico. La negazione di ogni interferenza dello Stato con la vita sociale (assistenzialismo, risoluzione conflitti sociali) fa di Spencer un sostenitore del liberalismo politico, anche se, contrariamente allo stereotipo che lo vede come un ultraconservatore, Spencer era simpatizzante delle istanze libertarie, anti-imperialista, anticoloniale, contrario alla schiavit in ogni sua forma, e sostenitore di un modello di produzione basato sulle cooperative piuttosto che sul lavoro salariato.

¿Cómo se alcanza el poder? ¿Cómo conservarlo? El poder cambia de forma o pasa de manos, pero siempre está ahí, muy presente. Nicolás Maquiavelo escribió 'El Príncipe' pensando en los gobernantes de su tiempo, pero, como el coronel Pedro Baños nos revela, sus ideas se pueden aplicar a lo que hoy llamamos líder, ya ejerza sus funciones en la política, en el terreno militar, en la empresa o incluso cuando se trata de un liderazgo social. 

Are contemporary soldiers exploited by the state and society that they defend? More specifically, have America's professional service members disproportionately carried the moral weight of America's war-fighting decisions since the inception of an all-volunteer force? In this volume, Michael J. Robillard and Bradley J. Strawser examine the question of whether and how American soldiers have been exploited in this way. Robillard and Strawser offer an original theory of "moral exploitation".

In 2020, COVID-19, the Australia bushfires, and other global threats served as vivid reminders that human and nonhuman fates are increasingly linked. Human use of nonhuman animals contributes to pandemics, climate change, and other global threats which, in turn, contribute to biodiversity loss, ecosystem collapse, and nonhuman suffering.

How much equality does democracy need to survive? Political thinkers have wrestled with that question for millennia. Aldo Schiavone guides us through historical thickets, from the first democracy to the present day, seeking solutions to the enduring tension between democracy and inequality. Turning from antiquity to the modern world, Schiavone shows how the American and the French revolutions attempted to settle old debates, introducing a new way of thinking about equality. 

Noch immer von allen Studenten des wirtschaftlichen Managements zu lesen: Clausewitzens Klassiker über die Kriegsführung. Insbesondere das erste Kapitel beinhaltet die zentralen Thesen, nach denen beispielsweise der Krieg lediglich die "Fortsetzung der Politik mit anderen Mitteln" sei.

Barack Obama famously said that the purpose of social movements is to get a seat at the table. However, as Deva Woodly argues in Reckoning—a sweeping account of the meaning and purpose of the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL)—the value of such movements is something much more profound: they are necessary for the health and survival of democracy. Drawing from on-the-ground interviews with activists in the movement, Woodly analyzes the emergence of the M4BL, its organizational structure and culture, and its strategies and tactics. 

America is at an important turning point. Remote warfare is not just a mainstay of post–9/11 wars, it is a harbinger of what lies ahead—a future of high-tech, artificial intelligence–enabled, and autonomous weapons systems that raise a host of new ethical questions. Most fundamentally, is...

The definitive translation of Plato's Republic, the most influential text in the history of Western philosophy “No one else has even come close to balancing Bloom’s fidelity to Greek with intelligible English prose.”—National Review Long regarded as the most accurate rendering of Plato's...

A masterpiece of American individualism, Henry David Thoreau’s Civil Disobedience is considered by many to be one of the most important pieces of political and philosophical writings ever produced by an American. Thoreau wrote the essay because of his opposition to slavery and the Mexican-American War. When the government engages in actions that are unjust, he believed that citizens should completely withdraw their support of the government and stop paying taxes, even if it results in imprisonment or violence.

In 1848, The Communist Manifesto was published by two émigrés from Germany. Marx and Engels' apocalyptic vision of an insatiable system that penetrates every corner of the world reduces every relationship to that of profit, and burst asunder the old forms of production and of politics. It is still a recognisable picture of our world—the vampiric energy of the system being once again highly contentious. This is a strikingly imaginative take on Marx and what his most haunting book has to say to us today.

Volney's classic, The Ruins, is the book that Frankenstein's creature learns to read from. Its call for an absolute separation between church and state was controversial enough that Thomas Jefferson, who had translated the first 20 chapters into English, tried to obscure his role in the American publication process to protect his run for the 1800 US presidency. This is a new edition with an introduction by the editor, Tarah Wheeler.

Except most of the ideas that form Western Civilisation are just that—ideas. Taking cues from Greek philosophy and honed in the Enlightenment, certain notions about humanity and human society grew into the tenets we live by, and we haven't questioned them a great deal since. But isn't it time we asked who really benefits from the values at the core of our society? How much truth lies in a science that conjured up 'race'? Who do laws and nations really protect? Why does it feel like time is money? What even is 'art'?

En este maravilloso ensayo, Lledó juega y conversa con los numerosos términos que la cultura griega nos ha legado, y se detiene en el de amistad, un concepto clave a la hora de explorar quiénes somos. Lo contrapone a otra noción esencial, la de identidad, hoy tan manida y viciada, que, en su origen, lejos de aludir a lo que nos diferencia, se refería a nuestra mirada humana sobre el mundo y sobre nosotros mismos, y es un componente fundamental de la democracia.

In Developmental Politics, Steve McIntosh shows how this growing rift in the fabric of American society is a cultural problem that requires a cultural solution. He offers a pragmatic yet inspiring approach to our national political dilemma through a new politics of culture, one that goes right to the heart of this entrenched, complex issue. McIntosh presents a variety of innovative methods through which citizens and political leaders from across the political spectrum can reach agreement and achieve consensus.

From nineteenth-century abolitionism to Black Lives Matter today, progressive social movements have been at the forefront of social change. Yet it is seldom recognized that such movements have not only engaged in political action but also posed crucial philosophical questions about the meaning of justice and about how the demands of justice can be met. Michele Moody-Adams argues that anyone who is concerned with the theory or the practice of justice—or both—must ask what can be learned from social movements.

This pacifist manifesto was published in 1917, as the First World War was dragging to a close. The resolution of this catastrophic conflict resulted in a reconstruction of Europe, the fallout from which led to an even more cataclysmic war. Russell delineates the problem as being due to the institutionalizing of national hostilities and the consequent apportioning of blame among the warring parties. In his exposition Russell considers the roles played by a number of institutions, social and political, reserving some his sharpest criticism for organized religion.

In this seminal work of political philosophy, Boétie asks one of the most obvious questions of political theory: Why is it that a minority of rulers can remain in power over a majority of subjects who pay all the taxes? The answer might be quite surprising to us all. The conclusion is that the people tend to enslave themselves, to let themselves be governed by tyrants. Liberty is the natural condition of the people. Servitude, however, is fostered when people are raised in subjection. It is we who enslave ourselves at the beck and call of "authority".

Given the tumultuous political era in which he lived, Niccolo Machiavelli (1469-1527), the Italian Renaissance author, philosopher, historian, and diplomat, had a front-row seat to observe the political machinations, power struggles, and dynastic changes in Renaissance Europe. He would compile these observations in "The Prince," which would swiftly gain a reputation both as a simple treatise on how to achieve and wield political power as well as an immoral by-the-numbers account of how tyrants can seize and maintain dictatorships.

El francés Gustave Le Bon (1841-1931) es considerado uno de los fundadores de la psicología social. Introdujo un tema importante como la psicología del comportamiento colectivo. Le Bon desarrolló sus ideas y puntos de vista durante numerosos viajes a diferentes pueblos de África y Asia. En su obra principal "Psicología de las masas" de 1895, describe el cambio en el comportamiento del individuo que resulta de pertenecer a un grupo más grande de personas, una masa. Este audiolibro está basado en la traducción al español de 1921 de J. M. Navarro de Palencia.

What is slavery? Do you know how to define slavery? Does slavery still exist? Is slavery natural? You may have been taught about slavery in school, but there's more to what you must know! In this audiobook, you will learn everything you need to know about slavery. With over 50 quotes from former slaves, abolitionists, philosophers, and more!

Brought to you by Penguin. An acclaimed expert on violence and seasoned peacebuilder explains the five reasons why conflict (rarely) blooms into war, and how to interrupt that deadly process. It's easy to overlook the underlying strategic forces of war, to see it solely as a series of errors...

Liberalism - the comparatively mild-mannered sibling to the more ardent camps of nationalism and socialism - has never been so divisive as today. From Putin's populism, the Trump administration and autocratic rulers in democracies the world over, it has both thrived and failed under identity politics, authoritarianism, social media and a weakened free press the world over.

Самым известным произведением Никколо Макиавелли стал трактат "Государь", первоначально издававшийся в России под названиями "Князь" и "Правитель". Макиавелли создал учение о последовательно светском государстве, свободном от церковной морали.

Mais qu'est-ce donc qu'une nation ? Pourquoi la Hollande est-elle une nation, tandis que le Hanovre ou le grand-duché de Parme n'en sont pas une ? Comment la France persiste-t-elle à être une nation, quand le principe qui l'a créée a disparu ? Comment la Suisse, qui a trois langues, deux religions, trois ou quatre races, est-elle une nation, quand la Toscane, par exemple, qui est si homogène, n'en est pas une ?

Post-modernity is the creative destruction that has shattered our present times into fragments. Post-modernism stood for everything modernism rejected: fun, exuberance, irresponsibility. But beneath its glitzy surface, post-modernism had a dirty secret: It was the fig leaf for a rapacious new kind of capitalism. It was also the forcing ground of the "post-truth", by means of which Western values got turned upside down. In his brilliant history of a dangerous idea, Stuart Jeffries tells a narrative that starts in the early 1970s and continues to today.

Back to Black seeks to show us the long, powerful and painful history of Black radical politics. Born out of resistance to slavery and colonialism, its rich past encompasses figures such as Marcus Garvey, Angela Davis, the Black Panthers and the Black Lives Matter activists of today. At its core, the book argues that racism is inexorably embedded in the fabric of society, and that it can never be overcome unless by enacting change outside of this suffocating system.

In this rambling essay, Bertrand Russell reflects on the future of the world while the memory of the First World War was still strong in the public imagination. Russell notes the concomitant development of technology and the rise of political autocracies and explores whether man can be considered fit to handle the vast new powers at his disposal.

‘Wide-ranging, witty and fresh … a stimulating read. Authentic fun’ Tim Harford, Financial Times Best Summer Books 2022 ‘Brilliantly witty, profoundly illuminating, Alice Sherwood is a master storyteller’ Simon Schama ‘Thought-provoking and beautifully written’ Adrian Wooldridge...

Nevertheless comprises essays on Machiavelli and on Pascal. The ambivalent connection between the two parts is embodied by the comma in the subtitle: Machiavelli, Pascal. Is this comma a conjunction or a disjunction? In fact, both. Ginzburg approaches Machiavelli's work from the perspective of casuistry, or case-based ethical reasoning.