検索キーワード： 哲学

Today, we are caught in a shame spiral—a vortex of mutual shaming that pervades everything from politics to social media. We are shamed for our looks, our culture, our ethnicity, our sexuality, our poverty, our wrongdoings, our politics. But what is the point of all this shaming and countershaming? Does it work? And if so, for whom? In Shame, David Keen explores the function of modern shaming, paying particular attention to how shame is instrumentalized and weaponized.

"Leviatán" es una obra de Thomas Hobbes publicada en 1651. El nombre "Leviatán" hace referencia a un monstruo marino bíblico descrito en el libro de Job y los Salmos, y es utilizado metafóricamente para representar al poderoso Estado. La obra significó un antes y un después en la teoría política. Hobbes sostenía que el ser humano, en su estado natural, es egoísta y competitivo, lo que conduce a una "guerra de todos contra todos" en busca de poder y recursos.

This volume cultivates, for students and teachers in classrooms, as well as citizens in libraries and cafes, a language to deliberate about the possibilities and problems of democracy in America.

From the thermodynamics of policing in the cyberpunk present, to the psychiatric colonization of the image, to bodies that "go astray" in an increasingly reactionary society, Anti-Oculus maps out the ways we are captured under the eyes of cyber-capital and provokes us to find each other in pursuit of emancipation, community, and new forms of life.

Esta habilidad es la base de tu capacidad para pensar críticamente. ¿Sabes lo que es? Es la capacidad de hacerse la pregunta CORRECTA.

El marco de pensamiento crítico desarrollado por dos de los científicos de pensamiento crítico más experimentados de todos los tiempos—y cómo puedes tú usar ese marco de pensamiento crítico.

Here, Schoen reveals the 50 truths of power he has learned in his prestigious career as a “Political Insider”, the title of his long-running Fox TV show. It is a book for grown-ups. Power is a serious business. Good decisions can change your world, but bad decisions can too.

Las narraciones crean lazos. De ellas nace lo que nos conecta y vincula. De este modo, fundan comunidades y nos salvan de la contingencia. Sin embargo, hoy, cuando todo se ha vuelto arbitrario y azaroso, el storytelling se ha convertido en un arma comercial que transforma la narración en una herramienta más del capitalismo, propagándose en medio de la desorientación y la falta de sentido característicos de la sociedad de la información. Narración e información son fuerzas opuestas.

Ante los continuos desengaños políticos, los nuevos modelos de sometimiento del neoliberalismo y la complicidad de nuestros dirigentes para que nada de esto cambie, el mayor reto que se nos presenta hoy en día es despertar de nuestro estado de parálisis y movilizar nuestras propias fuerzas. Hacer disidencia supone romper con muchos reflejos, hábitos y representaciones que siguen manteniendo patrones más inoperantes que nunca, debilitando así nuestras voluntades y abocándonos a la pasividad.

This unique and sometimes disturbingly frank political treatise was written in the early 16th century by Niccolo Machiavelli, a political theorist and Italian diplomat. Machiavelli was writing specifically to Lorenzo de'Medici as an instruction manual for "new princes". His perspective on the aims and glory of princes is a controversial but powerful insight into the cold calculations of men of his station in his time.

African Americans have had every reason to doubt America’s democratic experiment. Yet African American activists, intellectuals, and artists who have sought to transform the United States into a racially just society have put forward some of the most original and powerful ideas about how to make America live up to its democratic ideals. In The Darkened Light of Faith, Melvin Rogers provides a bold new account of African American political thought through the works and lives of individuals who built this vital tradition, which is urgently needed today.

In a parliamentary career spanning over 20 years, Michael Portillo served as a Conservative MP and held numerous Cabinet posts. Few people are better placed to comment on politics than him, and in these thought-provoking programmes, he gives us his take on the development of democracy and contemporary political theory.

We in the West appear to be at a year zero, with the seeming end of the relative peace and prosperity we took for granted. The pandemic, Putin's invasion of Ukraine, growing tension with China, a rolling back of globalisation, Brexit, the return of inflation and painful interest rates - all these have shattered the illusions of the world as we knew it. For years our politicians have said they were going for growth and would ensure that those with least would benefit disproportionately from the proceeds of that growth. They've failed.

Roger Scruton looks at the central ideas of conservatism over the centuries. He examines conservative thinking on civil society, the rule of law and the role of the state on the one hand; and freedom (including freedom of expression and association), morality, equality, property and rights on the other. He traces the origins and development of the conservative ideology in the philosophies and thoughts of, among others, John Locke, Thomas Hobbes, David Hume, Edmund Burke, Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, John Ruskin, Michael Oakeshott, Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman and Robert Nozick.

Cancel culture isn't just a moral panic: it erodes our ability to argue productively, listen generously and to be civil when we disagree. Whether on university campuses, in the workplace or on social media, it is a dysfunctional part of how individuals battle for power, status, and dominance. It's just one symptom of a much larger problem: why bother refuting your opponents, when you can just take away their platform or career? In this book, Lukianoff and Shlott analyze the pervasive effects of cancel culture and present a much-needed antidote for our dangerous and divisive times.

Ageing without Ageism? contributes to the essential and timely discussion of age, ageism, population ageing, and public policy. It demonstrates the breadth of the challenges posed by these issues by covering a wide range of policy areas: from health care to old-age support, from democratic participation to education, and from family to fiscal policy. With contributions from twenty-one authors, the discussion bridges the gap between academia and public life by putting in dialogue fresh philosophical analysis and specific new policy proposals.

Power and gender theories are applied to the life of Queen Elizabeth I to examine her tactics to maintain internal security within the borders of England and Ireland in the shadow of her cousin, Mary, Queen of Scots, who had succumbed to the actions of misogynistic men.

There is a lot of meaning to being woke. Understanding that makes you woke. But it is understanding on a whole different level and a more robust sense of the concept of that word.

Is moral philosophy more foundational than political theory? It is often assumed to be. David Schmidtz argues that the reverse is true: the question of how to live in a community is more fundamental than questions about how to live. This book questions whether we are getting to the foundations of human morality when we ignore contingent features of communities in which political animals live.

The times have changed, and recent writers have once more relegated Calhoun to a dark corner of American history. In the first half of the 19th century, Calhoun was for 40 years one of the half dozen most important public men of America. Seldom victorious, he was always important and always listened to on many more national questions than slavery.