検索キーワード： 歴史・理論

Elisabeth R. Anker reckons with the complex legacy of freedom offered by liberal American democracy, outlining how the emphasis of individual liberty has always been entangled with white supremacy, settler colonialism, climate destruction, economic exploitation, and patriarchy. These "ugly freedoms" legitimate the right to exploit and subjugate others. At the same time, Anker locates an unexpected second type of ugly freedom in practices and situations, often dismissed as demeaning, offensive, gross, and ineffectual, but that provide sources of emancipatory potential.

Estados Unidos como potencia económica es objeto de deseo mundial. Tanto entre las elites, que lo ven como lo más cercano a la utopía del libre mercado, la competencia y la privatización, como entre los más pobres, embebidos por un incesante imperialismo cultural que les graba a fuego el American Dream de la tierra de las oportunidades. Sin embargo, la realidad difiere bastante de la imagen que Washington proyecta ante el mundo, especialmente en el caso de la clase media y trabajadora.

"El hombre nace libre y, sin embargo, por todas partes se encuentra encadenado." En El contrato social, Rousseau explora el concepto de libertad y las estructuras políticas que pueden permitir que las personas la adquieran. Argumenta que el poder soberano de un estado no reside en ningún gobernante sino en la voluntad de la población en general. Rousseau argumenta que el estado ideal sería una democracia directa donde la toma de decisiones ejecutivas la llevan a cabo ciudadanos reunidos en asamblea, como lo harían en la antigua ciudad-estado de Atenas.

The story of Hong Kong has long been obscured by competing myths- to Britain, a 'barren rock' with no appreciable history; to China, a part of Chinese soil from time immemorial that had at last returned to the ancestral fold. To its inhabitants, the city was a place of refuge and rebellion, whose own history was so little taught that they began mythmaking their own past.

Tired of the endless name-calling during political campaigns—and in between, too? Words have meanings, and insults don’t help us understand what socialism or capitalism mean, or how democracy affects both. The mission of Socialism, Capitalism and Democracy is to provide clarity on each philosophy, by providing examples of how each affects our economy and individual lives. Topics include property, profits, optimism (versus pessimism), self- and selfish-interest, economic voting, complexity, and more.

Throughout history, the concept of command—as both a way to achieve objectives and as an assertion of authority—has been essential to military action and leadership. But, as Sir Lawrence Freedman shows, it is also deeply political. Military command has been reconstructed and revolutionized since the Second World War by nuclear warfare, small-scale guerrilla land operations and cyber interference. Freedman takes a global perspective, systematically investigating its practice and politics since 1945 through a wide range of conflicts.

Figura central de la transición a la democracia en nuestro país y dirigente de la izquierda mexicana, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas hace una revisión crítica del proceso revolucionario iniciado en 1910. Por una democracia progresista demuestra que la Revolución Mexicana es una revolución viva, cuyo propósito sigue siendo la edificación de una amplia, sólida y perdurable democracia. A partir de argumentos rotundos y una consistente visión del futuro, concluye que la nación atraviesa por una crisis institucional donde debe volverse a los principios de la Revolución.

Early in life, Walter Rodney became a major revolutionary figure in a dizzying range of locales that traversed the breadth of the Black diaspora. He was not only a witness of a Pan-African and socialist internationalism, but a prime actor in mass organization, catalyzing rebellious ferment, and theorizing an anti-colonial path to self-emancipation. This volume demonstrates the unbending consistency that unites his life and work: the ongoing reinvention of living conception of Marxism, and a respect for the still untapped potential of mass self-rule.

The story of Watergate is usually told through the prism of straight white male journalists and politicians who were at the center of the scandal—but Watergate happened to all of us—wives, mothers, children, Black, White, queer, immigrants. Those voices and perceptions are rarely heard today. Everything You Always Wanted to Know About Watergate was envisioned as a book that looks at the wider ripples of the Watergate explosion and how it changed the way Americans saw themselves, their country, and the world around them.

In this brilliantly enjoyable, challenging rallying-cry of a book, Kropotkin lays out the heart of his anarchist beliefs—beliefs which surged around the world in the late 19th and early 20th centuries and which have a renewed relevance and poignancy today. Humane, thoughtful—but also a devastating critique of how modern society is organized (with the brutal, narrow few clinging onto their wealth and privileges at the expense of the many), The Conquest of Bread is a book to be argued over, again and again.

Detrás de los macanazos y las balas, hubo un sistema judicial que convalidó la represión y actuó convencido de su bondad. Nació el 26 de julio de 1968 y murió dos años después. Pero en su corta vida, multiplicó la iniquidad y la injusticia, provocó el encarcelamiento de decenas de jóvenes y evidenció la saña del Estado. Ésta es la historia -nunca antes contada- del proceso judicial contra los implicados en el 68 mexicano.

The Founding of the American Republic is on trial. Critics say it was a poison pill with a time-release formula; we are its victims. Its principles are responsible for the country's moral and social disintegration because they were based on the Enlightenment falsehood of radical individual autonomy. In this well-researched book, Robert Reilly declares: not guilty. To prove his case, he traces the lineage of the ideas that made the United States, and its ordered liberty, possible. America's decline, he claims, is not to be discovered in the Founding principles, but in their disavowal.

Offering a new view of one of America's most important, infamously strained, and widely misunderstood relationships of the postwar era, this book tells the history of America and Iran from the time the last shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, was placed on the throne in 1941 to the 1979 revolution that brought the present Islamist government to power.

Il fascismo pretese di erigere un nuovo Stato, ma riutilizzò abbondantemente in chiave fascista elementi e residui dello Stato liberale. Autoritario e dittatoriale, concentrò il potere pubblico, ma accettò anche la sua pluralizzazione. Eliminò libere elezioni, creò un surrogato della rappresentanza politica, si valse di organizzazioni satelliti, ma ricorse ad amministrazioni parallele per gestire la crisi economica.

When William the Conqueror died in 1087, he left the throne of England to William Rufus . . . his second son. The result was an immediate war as Rufus's elder brother Robert fought to gain the crown he saw as rightfully his; this conflict marked the start of 400 years of bloody disputes as the English monarchy's line of hereditary succession was bent, twisted, and finally broken when the last Plantagenet king, Richard III, fell at Bosworth in 1485.

How much equality does democracy need to survive? Political thinkers have wrestled with that question for millennia. Aldo Schiavone guides us through historical thickets, from the first democracy to the present day, seeking solutions to the enduring tension between democracy and inequality. Turning from antiquity to the modern world, Schiavone shows how the American and the French revolutions attempted to settle old debates, introducing a new way of thinking about equality.

In the 1820s, two families, unknown to each other, worked on farms in the American wilderness. It seemed unlikely that the families would ever meet—and yet, they did. The son of one family, the famed actor John Wilkes Booth, killed the son of the other, President Abraham Lincoln, in the most significant assassination in American history. The murder, however, did not come without warning—in fact, it had been foretold. In the Houses of Their Dead is the first book of the many thousands written about Lincoln to focus on the president's fascination with Spiritualism.

Noch immer von allen Studenten des wirtschaftlichen Managements zu lesen: Clausewitzens Klassiker über die Kriegsführung. Insbesondere das erste Kapitel beinhaltet die zentralen Thesen, nach denen beispielsweise der Krieg lediglich die "Fortsetzung der Politik mit anderen Mitteln" sei.

Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité ! La devise de notre République française est magnifique. Elle inspire nos révolutions et orne fièrement nos bâtiments publics. Trois mots simples, mais qui reflètent nos plus profondes aspirations. Seulement voilà, avouons qu'ils portent en eux un idéal plus qu'une réalité. Quelle frustration ! Serait-il possible d'assouvir pleinement cette soif légitime de liberté, d'égalité et de fraternité ? Et si ce trio faisait écho à une réalité plus vaste ? Voire éternelle ? C'est envisageable à condition de changer de coeur.

La storia di Mafia Capitale non è solo una storia visibile, territorio della politica e dell’amministrazione, né corrisponde soltanto alle vicende torbide di corruzione e malaffare che lentamente e a fatica emergono: le ragioni della sua forza e della sua pericolosità affondano nel terreno dei quartieri e delle periferie, e risalgono a una storia antichissima. Nel suo nuovo audiolibro, che contiene uno stralcio della sentenza della Cassazione del processo Mafia Capitale, Federica Angeli indaga la lunga storia della corruzione e della mafia a Roma.

Why did the Democrats initially abandon their principles, and why haven’t they been able to grasp that they need a new strategy in the face of decades of diminishing returns? In Chaotic Neutral, political scientist Ed Burmila breaks it to us, tracing the party’s metamorphosis from bold defender of labor rights, civil rights, and a robust social safety net to a timorous, ideology-free, regulation-averse lifestyle brand.

Hardship is now equated with victimhood. Outward displays of vulnerability in defeat are celebrated over winning unabashedly. The pursuit of excellence and exceptionalism are at the heart of American identity, and the disappearance of these ideals in our country leaves a deep moral and cultural vacuum in its wake. But the solution isn’t to simply complain about it. It’s to revive a new cultural movement in America that puts excellence first again.

In Uncommon Wrath, historian Josiah Osgood tells the story of how the political rivalry between Julius Caesar and Marcus Cato precipitated the end of the Roman Republic. As the champions of two dominant but distinct visions for Rome, Caesar and Cato each represented qualities that had made the Republic strong, but their ideological differences entrenched into enmity and mutual fear. The intensity of their collective factions became a tribal divide, hampering their ability to make good decisions and undermining democratic government.

A masterpiece of American individualism, Henry David Thoreau’s Civil Disobedience is considered by many to be one of the most important pieces of political and philosophical writings ever produced by an American. Thoreau wrote the essay because of his opposition to slavery and the Mexican-American War. When the government engages in actions that are unjust, he believed that citizens should completely withdraw their support of the government and stop paying taxes, even if it results in imprisonment or violence.

In 1848, The Communist Manifesto was published by two émigrés from Germany. Marx and Engels' apocalyptic vision of an insatiable system that penetrates every corner of the world reduces every relationship to that of profit, and burst asunder the old forms of production and of politics. It is still a recognisable picture of our world—the vampiric energy of the system being once again highly contentious. This is a strikingly imaginative take on Marx and what his most haunting book has to say to us today.

En este libro resulta claro que 1994 NO HA TERMINADO. Desde la historiografía y el periodismo siempre han surgido ángulos insospechados que lo confirman como el año que definió el rumbo actual del país. Y ésta no es la excepción. En una crónica donde se entre - tejen testimonios de los protagonistas de aquella época con revelaciones de personajes que han “perdido el miedo de hablar”, Raymundo Riva Palacio analiza uno de los hitos de la transición a la democracia mexicana.

Adiós al 68 rechaza la mirada contemplativa con la que se ha construido la memoria de los movimientos sociales de la segunda mitad del siglo XX y lo que va del XXI. Con la dolorosa valentía que requiere la autocrítica, confronta al fantasma de aquellos que formaron la conciencia de un mundo mejor, pero que sólo lograron moldear uno distinto. Joel Ortega, quizá el más inteligente miembro activo de la generación mexicana de los años sesenta, hace un recorrido obligadamente incómodo que va de la ilusión a la integración en la política.

Tras la brutalidad de la Revolución, los sobrevivientes necesitaban una esperanza y el nacionalismo se la dio. Pero a un costo altísimo: muerte y mentira.

De alguna forma, parece que nos hemos convencido de que nuestra historia política se puede reducir a cambios de gobiernos, de leyes, a sustitución o adorno de vicios administrativos y relativizaciones éticas.

Volney's classic, The Ruins, is the book that Frankenstein's creature learns to read from. Its call for an absolute separation between church and state was controversial enough that Thomas Jefferson, who had translated the first 20 chapters into English, tried to obscure his role in the American publication process to protect his run for the 1800 US presidency. This is a new edition with an introduction by the editor, Tarah Wheeler.