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During the final three years of the Obama administration, Richard Stengel, the former editor of Time magazine and an Under Secretary of State, was the single person in government tasked with unpacking, disproving, and combating both ISIS's messaging and Russian disinformation. Then, in 2016, as the presidential election unfolded, Stengel watched as Donald Trump used disinformation himself, weaponizing the grievances of Americans who felt overlooked. In fact, Stengel quickly came to see how all three players had used the same playbook: ISIS sought to make Islam great again....

No dictator can rule through fear and violence alone. Naked power can be grabbed and held temporarily, but it never suffices in the long term. A tyrant who can compel his own people to acclaim him will last longer. The paradox of the modern dictator is that he must create the illusion of popular support. Throughout the 20th century, hundreds of millions of people were condemned to enthusiasm, obliged to hail their leaders even as they were herded down the road to serfdom.

Labour has shifted from the New Left, to New Labour, to Corbynista Labour. Now, it may see power again with a most unlikely group of activists from the 1970s becoming the fourth generation to win power since 1945. Only Clement Attlee, Harold Wilson and Tony Blair have won power from a sitting Conservative government. Of the 10 general elections since 1979, Labour has won three, all under Blair. This record of failure, if applied to any other walk of life, would raise the fundamental question of why continue to fight a losing battle?

Liberty is hardly the "natural" order of things. In most places and at most times, the strong have dominated the weak and human freedom has been quashed by force or by customs and norms. Either states have been too weak to protect individuals from these threats or states have been too strong for people to protect themselves from despotism. Liberty emerges only when a delicate and precarious balance is struck between state and society.

Where now are three circles which defined the United Kingdom’s position in the world - the special relationship with the USA, leadership of the Commonwealth, and membership of the European Union? What did membership of the European Union really mean and did Britain really understand what it had signed up to? The national narrative has gone and its destruction is hugely damaging to the institutions which embodied it. Whatever the outcome of Brexit, Britain will have to develop one new narrative from the three mainly fictitious circles of the past.

From a warehouse in Manchester to a pub in Essex, from the outskirts of Glasgow to a racecourse in Durham, Jack Shenker uncovers the root causes of our current crisis and the future direction of British politics through the lives of ordinary individuals. Taking us deep into communities hollowed out by austerity and decades of economic disadvantage, among a generation crippled by precarious work and unaffordable housing, he shows where the chaos at Westminster ultimately springs from....

Examining nine landmark battles from ancient to modern times - from Salamis, where outnumbered Greeks devastated the slave army of Xerxes, to Cortes' conquest of Mexico to the Tet offensive - Victor Davis Hanson explains why the armies of the West have been the most lethal and effective of any fighting forces in the world. Looking beyond popular explanations such as geography or superior technology, Hanson argues that it is in fact Western culture and values which have consistently produced superior arms and soldiers.

Fierce independence and a leave-me-alone attitude define the modern Libertarian and party. This does not make for good politics, where coordination and national momentum is crucial. This book outlines a practical libertarianism that can coexist with the two other national parties. We can find a common, central philosophy that will capture the drive of an election-winning majority of "We the People".

Today, globalism has a bad reputation. 'Citizens of the world' are depicted as recklessly uninterested in how international economic forces can affect local communities. Meanwhile, nationalists are often derided as racists and bigots. But what if the two were not so far apart? What could globalists learn from the powerful sense of belonging that nationalism has created? Faced with the injustices of the world's economic and political system, what should a responsible globalist do?

Negative campaigning is a central component of politics in the United States. Yet, until now, demonstrating the impact of combative advertising on voters has been elusive. How can we reconcile the findings of a plethora of studies with the methods of politicians? This book cuts through to the central issue: how negative advertising influences voters' attitudes and actions. Focusing on US senatorial campaigns, Kim Fridkin and Patrick Kenney draw from surveys, experiments, facial expression analysis, content analyses, and focus groups.

That the early United States was (or were) referred to as the New Empire would seem nonsensical or flatly erroneous today on both sides of the Atlantic. In fact, Europeans and Americans alike viewed the United Colonies as a potential empire existing uneasily within an empire, the British Empire. This perspective impacted the crafting of the Continental Congress and the US government, whereas the governments of the member states were viewed as commensurate with the contemporary kingdoms in Europe.

Moral arguments have taken the place of empirical evidence. Virtue signaling has replaced constructive political discussion. Dumb Politics will teach us that you must never underestimate the ignorance of the masses.

Based on a review of research literature from sociology, organizational psychology, and behavioral economics, this audiobook develops a theory of consent generation and distinguishes three groups of consent-producing mechanisms: socialization, incentive mechanisms, and participation and interest representation.

Was kann ein Rätoromane tun, um Europäer zu werden? In seinem neuen, geistreichen und anschaulichen Hörbuch umspielt Iso Camartin dieses Thema auf eine erzählerische und unterhaltsame Art, indem er anhand von Porträts und von Betrachtungen über Orte, Dinge, Wörter und Gebräuche Lebenswelten und Lebenseinstellungen plastisch werden lässt. Ein kluges, lichtes und heiteres Hörbuch über europäische Lebenskunst. Iso Camartin wurde am 24. März 1944 als Sohn rätoromanischsprachiger Eltern in der Schweiz geboren.

China's reform era is ending. Core factors that characterized it - political stability, ideological openness, and rapid economic growth - are unraveling.

The year 2020 will mark the 100th anniversary of the Nineteenth Amendment, which gave many women in the United States the right to vote. The struggle for suffrage lasted over six decades and involved more than a million women; yet, even at the moment of the amendment's enactment, women's activists disagreed heartily over how much had been achieved, whether it was necessary for women to continue organizing for political rights, and what those political rights would bring.

A distinguished historian of Spain and Europe provides an enlightening account of the development of nationalist and separatist movements in contemporary Catalonia and Scotland.

Verden har altid stået foran store udfordringer, men i disse år synes panderynkerne hos magthavere og meningsdannere i Vesten at være dybere end tidligere. Kan vores nationer og institutioner klare presset fra den voldsomme migration, de stigende klimaudfordringer, religionskonflikter og en ustyrlig global økonomi? Per Stig Møller giver i "De fire isbjerge: en fortælling om verdens tilstand" sin analyse af disse fire, ifølge den tidligere udenrigsminister, mest presserende dagsordener.

This collection of essays suggests that the EU and US are both cases of modern federalism at the empire political-level and scale.

With the end of the Cold War, the victory of liberal democracy was thought to be absolute. Observers declared the end of history, confident in a peaceful, globalized future. But we now know this to be premature. Authoritarianism first returned in Russia, as Putin developed a political system dedicated solely to the consolidation and exercise of power. In the last six years, it has creeped from east to west as nationalism inflames Europe, abetted by Russian propaganda and cyberwarfare.