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¿Estuvo implicado Alfonso XIII en el golpe de Estado de 1923?, ¿se produjeron mejoras sociales y económicas? ¿Dimitió voluntariamente Primo de Rivera? (tag de abajo) Los seis años que abarca la dictadura de Miguel Primo de Rivera (1923-1930) supone uno de los periodos de la historia de España menos conocidos, quizás, porque no pocos historiadores la han calificado como un paréntesis vacío dentro de la Restauración borbónica. Hoy sabemos que, en absoluto, fue un hombre campechano sin ideología.

In this unflinching and engrossing account, Nigel Cawthorne provides a detailed look at one of the most chilling organizations ever conceived by the human imagination. He examines their elite position under the Nazi regime, the superior weapons they were afforded, their involvement in the murderous crimes of the Holocaust, and the way they thrust their claws into every aspect of German life.

A dramatic narrative of the six months leading up to President Paul von Hindenburg's decision to appoint Adolf Hitler as chancellor of Germany on 30 January 1933, Takeover brings to life the secret meetings, political manoeuvrings, and shifting loyalties involved in Hitler's rise, using contemporary sources without the advantage of historical hindsight. Historian Timothy W. Ryback illuminates just how close Hitler came to not ascending to power.

A che punto siamo in Italia con l'estensione dei diritti, con l'abbattimento degli stereotipi di genere, con il definitivo superamento della mentalità e delle nostalgie fasciste? Cosa ne è stato del Ddl Zan, che avrebbe dovuto finalmente dotare anche il nostro Paese di una legge contro l'omobitransfobia e che invece, dopo essere stato bocciato al Senato nel 2021, è uscito dall'agenda politica? E cosa ne è stato della presunta "emergenza immigrazione", sventolata per anni dalla destra a colpi di fake news?

Judith Butler, the groundbreaking thinker whose iconic book Gender Trouble redefined how we think about gender and sexuality, confronts the attacks on “gender” that have become central to right-wing movements today. Global networks have formed “anti-gender ideology movements” that are dedicated to circulating a fantasy that gender is a dangerous, perhaps diabolical, threat to families, local cultures, civilization—and even “man” himself. In this book, Butler illuminates the concrete ways that this phantasm of “gender” collects and displaces anxieties and fears of destruction.

L’allarme per un ipotetico ritorno del fascismo guarda nella direzione sbagliata. L’attenzione degli allarmati democratici si concentra sui segnali più vistosi: gesti identitari (saluti romani, croci celtiche), violenze fisiche, manifestazioni di odio razziale. Si tratta di fenomeni esecrabili, ma appunto perché plateali forse meno pericolosi rispetto a quelli meno immediatamente evidenti: i movimenti politici che, pur ripudiando il ricorso alla violenza agita sul piano fisico (ma non su quello verbale) e pur muovendosi all’interno delle regole del gioco democratico, manifestano chiari caratteri ereditari del fascismo novecentesco.

Die Brandstifter zeichnet die Geschichte der Republikanischen Partei nach und stellt ihre wichtigsten Akteure vor. Dabei wird deutlich, wie porös die Brandmauer zwischen Rechtsextremismus und Konservatismus in den USA schon immer war, nicht erst seit Trump. Brockschmidt erzählt packend, wie historische Entwicklungen und Machtkämpfe die Partei geprägt und radikalisiert haben – und warum das Ergebnis der Präsidentschaftswahl 2024 nicht nur für die USA von entscheidender Bedeutung sein wird.

A Manifesto by the Fabian Society.

В творі (значною мірою автобіографічному) йдеться про трагічну долю сім'ї сільського коваля Якова Чумака, зокрема, його наймолодшого сина Андрія, про те, як люди зберігали гідність на межі буття і смерті. Сад Гетсиманський — один з перших творів у світовій літературі, в якому з позиції учасника подій викрито злочини сталінського режиму. Дія твору розгортається в Харкові, у в'язницях на Раднаркомівській та Холодній горі. Всі імена та прізвища в'язнів і співробітників НКВС в цій книзі правдиві.

Dieses Buch bringt uns die Hannah Arendt nahe, die wir für das 21. Jahrhundert brauchen. Es erzählt, wie die charismatische Philosophin zu ihrem eigenen, sehr besonderen Denken kam, und erklärt, wie wir denken sollten, wenn unsere Politik aus den Fugen gerät. Mit Leidenschaft und brillanter Expertise beleuchtet Lyndsey Stonebridge Arendts Leben und Werk, bringt sie in einen Dialog mit unserer unruhigen Gegenwart – und fordert uns dazu auf, so zu denken wie Hannah Arendt: unerschütterlich, liebevoll und trotzig.

The future of Russia lies outside the country. Since Vladimir Putin ordered the invasion of Ukraine, some one million Russians have fled the country and gone into exile. Motivated by opposition to the war, by guilt for their country’s deeds, by personal hatred for the Czar-like Putin, and by a...

Leon Trotsky (1879-1940) was a Bolshevik revolutionary and Marxist theorist. He was one of the leaders of the Russian October Revolution, second only to Vladimir Lenin. During the early days of the Soviet Union, he served first as People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs and later as the founder and commander of the Red Army and People's Commissar of War. He was also among the first members of the Politburo. Why fascism was able to conquer only in those countries where social democratic or Stalinist parties blocked the workers and their allies from utilizing a revolutionary situation to remove the capitalists from power.

La historia no se repite, pero sí alecciona. Tanto el nazismo como el comunismo fueron reacciones a la globalización: a las desigualdades reales o imaginadas que creaba, y a la aparente impotencia de las democracias para afrontarlas. Eran movimientos en los que un líder o un partido decían dar voz al pueblo, prometían protegerlo de las amenazas globales existentes y rechazaban la razón en favor del mito. La historia nos muestra que las sociedades pueden quebrarse, las democracias pueden caer, la ética puede venirse abajo y la gente corriente puede encontrarse en situaciones inimaginables.

Este libro demuestra que el abandono de la democracia y la tolerancia que protagonizó el Tercer Reich estaba extendido por la Europa de la época. Narra cómo un movimiento pseudorreligioso, imbuido de un sentimentalismo demagógico, parecía ofrecer la salvación a una Alemania exhausta por la guerra y la creciente inflación. Muestra las consecuencias de la desaparición del gobierno de la ley en favor del terror. Pero, a diferencia de otros recientes estudios de este periodo, no condena a toda la nación alemana.

Der ehemalige Präsident des Bundesverfassungsgerichts, Andreas Voßkuhle, warnte, die größte Bedrohung für die Institutionen des Staates gehe von rechts aus. Die aktuellen Ermittlungsverfahren gegen rechtsterroristische Vereinigungen unterstreichen die Gefahren, die von Rechtsextremen in Polizei, Bundeswehr, Justiz und Verfassungsschutz ausgehen. Zuletzt wurde dies in der bundesweiten Razzia gegen mutmaßliche rechtsextreme Umsturzpläne aus dem Milieu von Reichsbürgern und AfD deutlich.

Tras el éxito de El rey del cash, Elena Chávez nos sumerge una vez más en las entrañas de un sistema político donde la corrupción parece haberse convertido en la norma. A través de testimonios contundentes, se pone al descubierto cómo el presidente y sus cómplices han creado intrincados esquemas ilegales en beneficio propio. En esta investigación, la autora aborda casos alarmantes que van desde la Secretaría de Educación Pública, convertida en una escuela de malversación, hasta la policía transformada en una caja de fondos ilícitos.

In 1991, Ioan Culianu was on the precipice of a brilliant academic career. Culianu had fled his native Romania and established himself as a widely admired scholar at just forty-one years old. He was teaching at the University of Chicago Divinity School where he was seen as the heir apparent to his mentor, Mircea Eliade, a fellow Romanian expatriate and the founding father of the field of religious studies, who had died a few years earlier. 

America has seen the culmination of a long-building war on democracy being waged by a fundamentally violent and antidemocratic far-right movement that unironically calls itself the "Patriot" movement. So how did we get here? Award-winning journalist David Neiwert—who has been following the rise of these extremist groups since the late 1970s, when he was a young reporter in Idaho—explores how the movement was built over decades, how it was set aflame by Donald Trump and his cohorts, and how it will continue to attack American democracy for the foreseeable future.

Mussolini has rarely been taken seriously as a totalitarian dictator; Hitler and Stalin have always cast too long a shadow. But what was a negative judgement on the Duce, considered innocuous and ineffective, has begun to work to his advantage. As has occurred with many other European dictators, present-day popular memory of Mussolini is increasingly indulgent; in Italy and elsewhere he is remembered as a strong, decisive leader. Mussolini in Myth and Memory argues against this rehabilitation.

On January 6, 2021, hundreds of Americans stormed the Capitol to prevent the certification of their political opponent’s election. At the forefront were Christians claiming to act in the name of Jesus Christ and his supposed representative on earth, Donald Trump. How can this have happened? David P. Gushee tackles the question in this timely work of Christian political ethics. Gushee calls us to preserve democratic norms, including constitutional government, the rule of law, and equal rights for all, even as many Christians take a reactionary and antidemocratic stance.