検索キーワード： イデオロギー・信条

A luta política no Brasil se radicalizou, ganhou novas vozes e tomou as ruas e as redes sociais. O livro de Bosco é uma análise sóbria e ponderada – e a quente -- desse novo ambiente marcado por estridência e intolerância. Nos últimos anos, o debate público no Brasil viu o fortalecimento de vozes novas e combativas. Feministas, movimentos negros e LGBTs tornaram-se protagonistas de batalhas por reconhecimento e contra o preconceito. O palco dessa disputa são as redes sociais, sobretudo o Facebook.

Voters say they are disillusioned with capitalism, but a system so distorted by government interventions is a dysfunctional version of free market ideals. As a result, productivity and economic growth have slowed sharply, shrinking the pie for everyone and stoking popular anger. Since these flaws developed as the government expanded, building an even bigger state will only double down on what’s gone wrong. The answer Sharma offers is a series of seven fixes to restore the balance between state support and free markets and lay the path to a more prosperous and happier future.

In diesem Buch vereint Marcus Bensmann die Erkenntnisse vieljähriger Recherchen des CORRECTIV-Netzwerks über die AfD. Anhand ihrer eigenen Aussagen rekonstruiert er die Pläne der Partei: vom Potsdamer Geheimtreffen bis zur geplanten Abschaffung von Grundwerten.

In this propulsive history, constitutional law and political science professor Corey Brettschneider provides a thoroughly researched account of assaults on democracy by not one such president, but five.

While serving as the deputy Beijing bureau chief of the Financial Times, Chinese-British journalist Yuan Yang began to notice common threads in the lives of her Chinese peers—women born during China’s turn toward capitalism in the 1980s and 1990s, who, despite the country's enormous economic gains during their lifetimes, were coming up against deeply entrenched barriers as they sought to achieve financial stability. This transporting and indelible book traces the journey of four such women as they try to make better lives for themselves and their families in the new Chinese economy.

В этом эссе Бён-Чхоль Хан, обращаясь к взглядам виднейших мыслителей XX века, интересовавшихся темой насилия, обрисовывает симптоматическую картину глобального капиталистического общества XXI века. Хан предлагает увидеть в истории насилия каскад непрерывных трансформаций. Сегодня в каждом из нас уживаются палач и жертва,а само насилие становится позитивным и до неразличимости сливается со своей противоположностью — свободой. Можно ли считать насилием эффективность и производительность, к которым каждый стремится на высококонкурентном рынке труда?

In this short and necessary volume, Dirty Rubles author Greg Olear presents the facts about FPOTUS: who he is, what he plans to do, and why the country cannot survive a second Trump term. Donald Trump is a Rough Beast. America is slouching towards dictatorship.

Acılarla yoğrulmuş hayatının özlemlerini Güneş Ülkesi'nde dile getiren Tommaso Campanella, eseri sayesinde bize döneminin buhranlarını, umutlarını, toplumları etkileyen cereyanları okuma fırsatı veriyor. Astroloji, felsefe, okültizm, teoloji, sosyoloji, ekonomi, siyaset, strateji gibi alanlarda görüşler içeren ve 17. yüzyıl Avrupası'nda, düşüncelerinden dolayı epey hırpalanan bir filozof tarafından hapishanede kaleme alınan Güneş Ülkesi, ütopya türünde yazılmış en önemli eserlerden biri.

Governments provide many things, such as security, schools, intelligence gathering, and poverty assistance programs, but none of these are defining characteristics of governments. They can be provided by many non-government actors in society, and historically, they have been. I became a Progressive when I thought that Progressivism meant being compassionate. I stopped being a Progressive when I realized that putting massive obligations on strangers through government coercion was not compassion.

If you don’t understand communist revolutions, you aren’t ready for what’s coming. The old rules are over. The old order is over. Accusations are evidence. Activism means bigotry and hate. Criminals are allowed to roam free. Citizens are locked up. An appetite for vengeance is unleashed—to deplatform, debank, destroy. This is the daily news, yet none of it’s new. Patterns from the past make sense of our present. They also foretell a terrifying future we might be condemned to endure.

அடலஃப ஹடலர எநத ஒர பயரக கடடவடன உஙகள மனதல ஒர வறபப பரவம எனற கடடல, உலகம மழகக அனவரம சலலம பயர இததன. ஏன அபபட? கடககணககன மககளக கனற கவககம வற எபபட ஹடலரகக வநதத? யதரகள ஏன ஹடலர வடடயடனர?

Economic inequality yawns as wide as ever. Capitalism is working as it was designed: replicating an uneven balance of power, constraining life chances, and limiting imaginations. Those of us concerned about injustice often confine ourselves to issue-by-issue activism. The end result? Owners, investors, and a politics of inequality win. But what if there's another way to organize our common life—and what if it's as homegrown as sweet potato pie? What if we could become moral engineers who co-create the world we all deserve?

Unlike the women who descended on Washington in 2017 to protest the inauguration of President Trump, the women of January 6 did not come as women. They came as Americans, as patriots, as defenders of the republic. They did not wear pink hats. They wore MAGA hats. Their issues were indistinguishable from those of the men in their lives—the rule of law, free and fair elections, and the preservation of constitutional rights. They brought no laundry list of special needs like, say, “reproductive rights,” because they understood that no one was challenging their right to reproduce.

The worst decade in the history of the Liberal Party of Canada came to an end on October 19, 2015. Justin Trudeau swept to power, ending the ten-year rule of Stephen Harper’s Conservatives. Trudeau’s vision was relentlessly optimistic: the word "positive" was heard eight times in his victory speech, along with references to "sunny ways" and "hope and hard work." But the fates decreed that he would govern in darker times.

Some have claimed that the neoliberal era is behind us. Baradaran shows that such thinking is misguided. Neoliberalism is a failed economic idea—it doesn't, in fact, create more wealth or more freedom. But it has been successful nevertheless, by seizing the courts and enabling our age of crypto fraud, financial instability, and accelerating inequality.

God, Guns, and Sedition offers the definitive account of the rise of far-right terrorism in the United States-and how to counter it. Leading experts Bruce Hoffman and Jacob Ware trace the historical trajectory and assess the present-day dangers of this violent extremist movement, along with the harm it poses to United States national security.

Whether sitting down with a militia member seeking to protect his rural Utah town from Antifa or talking with grassroots organizers working across ideological divides, Gaines Quammen brings to life connections and contradictions that shape our politics and our lives far beyond the West.

A Great Disorder is a bold, urgent work that helps us make sense of today's culture wars through a brilliant reconsideration of America's foundational myths and their use in contemporary politics. Richard Slotkin identifies five myths, born of different eras, that have shaped our conception of what it means to be American: the myths of the Frontier, the Founding, the Civil War (which he breaks into two opposing camps, Emancipation and the Lost Cause), and the Good War, embodied by the multiethnic platoon fighting for freedom.

Based on a series of pathbreaking lectures given at Yale University in 2012, this powerful, thought-provoking work by national best-selling author Cass R. Sunstein combines legal theory with behavioral economics to make a fresh argument about the legitimate scope of government, bearing on obesity, smoking, distracted driving, health care, food safety, and other highly volatile, high-profile public issues.

Згадуючи війну в Іспанії - нарис про громадянську війну між іспанськими лівими і фашистами, в якому Орвелл попереджає про небезпеку тоталітаризму, який з'являється і утверджується багато в чому завдяки маніпуляціям і пропаганді ЗМІ а також боягузству та угодовництву лібералів. Це пристрасний антивоєнний, гуманістичний заклик письменника, що містить ідеї, які він розвинув в культових художніх творах: 1984 і Колгосп тварин.