『Quarter Miles Travel With Annita』のカバーアート

Quarter Miles Travel With Annita

Quarter Miles Travel With Annita

著者： Travel With Annita and Friends
無料で聴く

The Adventure begins when you reach into your pocket. Each U.S. Mint Commemorative Quarter design tells a unique story. Each quarter is filled with pride, from hometown heroes to iconic landmarks; wildlife and nature to music and culture. Reach into your pocket and let Quarter Miles Travel take it from there, we’ll turn that quarter into an adventure.Copyright Quarter Miles Travel 2021 旅行記・解説 社会科学
エピソード
  • Dogs on the Road: The South’s Best Cities for Travel With Your Pup

    Dogs on the Road: The South’s Best Cities for Travel With Your Pup
    2026/09/20
    Radio segment from Mornings on Maine With Bill Maine Dogs on the Road: The South’s Best Cities for Travel With Your Pup Pet travel stats, airline and national park rules, and five great Southern getaways for you and your dog Annita and her English Lab. By Annita Stokes Thomas If there’s a dog riding shotgun in your car more often these days, you’re not imagining it. Americans are traveling with their pets in record numbers, and the hospitality industry is scrambling to keep up. Here’s a look at where that trend stands right now, what to know before you fly or head into a national park with your dog, and five great Southern destinations worth the trip. Are We Really Traveling With Our Dogs? Short answer: yes, and more every year. Multiple recent surveys peg the number of American pet owners who travel with their pets annually at right around 78 percent. More than half of dog and cat owners say they now plan their trips around their pet, not the other way around. And it’s not just a domestic trend. A global pet-parent study out last year found that 56 percent of people worldwide now own a pet, with nearly half of those being first-time owners, a whole new generation of pet parents who don’t want to leave the dog behind. A 2025 survey of US and UK travelers found that 27 percent of pet owners who brought their pet on a big vacation last year were doing it for the very first time. The number one reason people leave the dog at home? Fear that travel would be too stressful for the pet — that’s the top reason cited, followed by not trusting that a destination is truly pet-friendly. How are they getting there? Road trips still win, hands down — nearly two-thirds of pet owners, right around 64 percent, say they prefer traveling with their dog by car.Flying is a distant second, with roughly a third of pet owners saying they’ve flown with a pet.About 75 percent of hotels nationwide — luxury, midscale, and economy — now allow pets in some form, and the vast majority of pet parents say they’d choose a pet-friendly hotel over any other option.RVs and camping are part of that road-trip boom too — pet owners increasingly point to hiking and fresh-air destinations as their top pick for a pet-friendly trip, right up there with beaches. The trend line is clear: dogs are road-tripping more than ever, hotels are adapting fast, and flying — while it’s growing — comes with a lot more fine print. A little dog in an airline pet carrier sized to fit under the seat in front of you. Flying With Fido: What the Airlines Actually Allow Here’s something that surprises a lot of people: as of this year, only two major U.S. airlines will still fly a dog in the cargo hold for an everyday passenger — Alaska Airlines and Hawaiian Airlines. American, Delta, United, Southwest, JetBlue, Spirit, and Frontier have all discontinued or paused their pet cargo programs for the general public. If you’ve got a bigger dog who can’t fit under an airplane seat, your options for flying with them have really narrowed. Here’s the cabin picture, airline by airline: Delta: small dogs, cats, and household birds only, in a ventilated carrier under the seat in front of you. No cargo option for regular travelers.American Airlines: small cats and dogs in the cabin only, around $150 each way, first-come first-served with a limited number of pet spots per flight.United: dogs, cats, rabbits, and household birds allowed in an approved hard- or soft-sided kennel under the seat, roughly $125 each way, advance reservation required.Southwest: small cats and dogs only, in a carrier under the seat, about $95 each way — and no pets on international flights.JetBlue: small dogs and cats, combined pet-and-carrier weight can’t exceed 20 pounds, about $125 each way. One more wrinkle worth knowing: the rules changed a few years back for emotional support animals. They no longer have protected status the way a trained service dog does — airlines can now treat an ESA like any other pet, subject to the regular carrier fees. A true service dog still flies free, but it needs the Department of Transportation’s standard Service Animal Air Transportation Form, usually submitted 48 hours ahead of the flight. Bottom line: if your dog is small enough to ride under the seat, flying is very doable, just book early, since cabin pet spots are limited per flight. If you’ve got a bigger dog, ground transportation is your best bet, which most pet-travel experts say is safer and less stressful anyway. Expert traveler tip – always call ahead to check airline rules, regulations and fees. They change and your fur baby is looking forward to the trip too. And, always consider your pet’s temperament. Talk with your vet about the best way to ensure a pleasure flight for your pet, you and the other passengers. National Parks and most campsites have specific rules to follow. Can Your Dog Come to the National Park? If your road trip includes a ...
    続きを読む 一部表示
    8 分
  • Episode 56: The Three Fifths Compromise

    Episode 56: The Three Fifths Compromise
    2026/09/16
    The Three Fifths Compromise What it was and who benefited COLD OPEN [SOUND: Quill scratching on parchment. A gavel, once, distant. Silence.] ANNITA (V.O.): In the summer of 1787, in a locked room in Philadelphia, fifty-five men sat down to build a government. And for weeks, in that room, they talked about hundreds of thousands of human beings — argued about them, bargained over them, measured them, weighed their worth against tax revenue and political power — and not one of those human beings was ever asked what they thought. Not one of them was in the room. Not one of them had a vote, a voice, or a name that made it into the record. They were husbands and wives. Mothers who had already buried children sold away from them. Grandfathers who remembered a homeland none of these delegates could have pointed to on a map. Blacksmiths, healers, midwives, farmers, cooks — entire lives, entire families, entire histories, reduced in that room to a single question: how much of a person should the law say they were. The men in that room decided on three-fifths. Not because they believed it. Because it was useful. [SOUND: Silence holds, then fades.] This is Quarter Miles Travel. I’m Annita. On this show, I always tell you — we say their names, and we tell their stories. But today, that promise is harder to keep than it’s ever been. Because the truth is, we don’t have most of their names. History didn’t record them. The Constitution didn’t ask for them. An entire population was debated, decided, and written into law — without a single one of them ever being permitted to speak for themselves in that room. So today, we’re not just telling you what happened in Philadelphia in 1787. We’re standing in for the hundreds of thousands of voices that should have been in that room and weren’t — and we’re telling their story anyway, exactly as fully and as honestly as we can, because somebody finally should. SEGMENT ONE: The Number That Came Before [SOUND: Soft, sparse instrumental bed, low — something unresolved, not comforting] ANNITA (V.O.): This story doesn’t start in Philadelphia in 1787. It starts four years earlier, in 1783, in a much quieter argument about money. Under the Articles of Confederation, the fledgling national government had almost no way to fund itself. It could only ask the states for money — “requisitions” — based on the value of land within each state, a system nobody could measure fairly or enforce honestly. So Congress considered a fix: base each state’s tax burden on population instead. And here, for the first time, the question arrived — a question this country would spend the next seventy-eight years failing to answer honestly. If a state’s population determined what it owed, did enslaved people count as part of that population? James Madison, then a young Virginia delegate to the Confederation Congress, proposed a number: three-fifths. It wasn’t drawn from any principle about human worth. It was, by most accounts, simply a number that split the difference between two sides who couldn’t agree on anything else. That 1783 proposal came up for a vote as an amendment to the Articles — and it failed, falling two states short of the unanimous approval required. But a number, once spoken aloud in a room full of powerful men, doesn’t simply disappear. It waits. SEGMENT TWO: The Room Reopens the Question ANNITA (V.O.): Four years later, delegates from twelve states gathered in Philadelphia, in the same stifling summer heat we’ve talked about before on this show, to write an entirely new Constitution. And on June 11th, 1787, the three-fifths number walked back into the room. It was delegate James Wilson of Pennsylvania who formally reintroduced it — proposing that enslaved people be counted at a three-fifths ratio as an amendment to the Virginia Plan, the framework then being debated for how the new government would be structured. Charles Pinckney of South Carolina seconded it. Here’s something worth sitting with: Wilson wasn’t a slaveholder, and by most historical accounts, he wasn’t ideologically committed to protecting slavery. He appears to have simply reached for a number that had almost worked once before — a number he calculated might actually get enough votes to hold this fragile convention together. Practicality, not principle, put that fraction back on the table. And once it was on the table, the room split — but not in the way you might expect. SEGMENT THREE: The Argument Nobody Wants to Admit They Made [SOUND: Music drops low, more tense] ANNITA (V.O.): Here is the detail that should stop you cold, and it’s the one most people never learn: the two sides of this debate did not argue from principle. They argued from advantage — and they switched sides entirely, depending on what was being counted. When it came to representation — how many seats a state got in Congress, how many electoral votes it held — southern delegates...
    続きを読む 一部表示
    27 分
  • Destination: The History of America’s Labor Force

    Destination: The History of America’s Labor Force
    2026/09/05
    The History of America’s Labor Force “The Price of a Day’s Work: Labor, Jobs, and the Fight for Fairness in America” *Photos at the bottom SEGMENT ONE — approx. 9:00 The History of America’s Labor Force and How Labor Day Became a Holiday [SOUND: Show theme, warm, fades under welcome] ANNITA: I’m Annita with Travel With Annita, and this weekend, most of us will fire up a grill, maybe hit one last beach trip, and enjoy a day off work. Let’s talk about The History of America’s Labor Force. But Labor Day didn’t start as a cookout holiday. It started as a protest — and understanding how it became a national holiday tells you almost everything about how hard-fought every single workplace protection in this country has been. The story actually has two men fighting for credit, and historians still argue about which one truly deserves it. Peter J. McGuire has long been called the “Father of Labor Day” — his gravestone in Pennsauken, New Jersey, is inscribed with those very words, and every year, labor leaders still gather there to honor him. McGuire’s own story is worth knowing: he was the child of Irish immigrants, and he quit school at a young age to go to work himself, long before he ever became a labor leader. He co-founded the United Brotherhood of Carpenters in 1881, and helped lead the movement that eventually became the American Federation of Labor. The AFL-CIO itself has said that McGuire “probably did more than anyone else” to convince skeptical, locally-minded union activists around the country that a national labor federation wasn’t just necessary, but actually possible. But there’s another man in this story — Matthew Maguire, a machinist who served as secretary of the Central Labor Union in New York, and many historians now believe he actually proposed the idea first. It was Maguire who sent out the announcements and invitations for that first Labor Day gathering, and Maguire who rode in the lead carriage of the parade itself. For decades, credit for founding Labor Day actually went to Maguire — it wasn’t until 1924, forty years after the fact, that the credit was formally shifted over to McGuire instead, and the debate over who truly deserves the title has never fully settled. That first parade happened on September 5th, 1882, in New York City. Somewhere between ten thousand and twenty-five thousand workers marched that day, sponsored by an organization called the Knights of Labor — one of the largest and most influential labor organizations of the era, open to nearly all workers regardless of skill, trade, race, or gender, at a time when that kind of inclusiveness in a labor union was genuinely radical. There was no deep historical significance to that particular date, by the way — McGuire simply said it fell about halfway between the Fourth of July and Thanksgiving, giving working families a break during that long stretch of the calendar with no holiday at all. It took twelve more years, and something far more tragic, to turn that one parade into a national holiday. In the summer of 1894, the Pullman railroad strike erupted — and we’re going to come back to Pullman a little later in the show, because that story matters more than you might think. That strike turned violent, and federal troops were sent in to break it up. Workers died in the clashes. Congress and President Grover Cleveland, looking to make peace with an angry and grieving labor movement, rushed a bill through just days after the strike ended, and Cleveland signed Labor Day into law as a national holiday on June 28th, 1894. Here’s a detail that doesn’t often make it into the story: Cleveland specifically chose to elevate Labor Day, held safely in September, rather than embrace May Day, the international workers’ holiday already celebrated in many countries. May Day carried socialist and radical associations in the public mind at the time, tied to earlier labor unrest, and Cleveland wanted nothing to do with that reputation. So America ended up with its own separate labor holiday, deliberately distanced from the more radical politics of the labor movements happening elsewhere in the world. So the very holiday we use to close out summer was born, in part, out of federal troops firing on American workers, and a president trying to calm public anger without embracing the more radical wing of the movement that made the holiday necessary in the first place. When we come back, I want to take you somewhere this history rarely goes — because you cannot talk honestly about American labor without talking about Black workers, both enslaved and free. [SOUND: Music bridge] SEGMENT TWO — approx. 9:35 From Bondage to the Fields — Sharecropping and the Migrant Workers of Florida ANNITA: Welcome back to Travel With Annita. I want to be honest with you. For the first two hundred fifty years of this nation’s story, Black labor wasn’t paid at all — it was stolen. When ...
    続きを読む 一部表示
    41 分
adbl_web_anon_alc_button_suppression_t1
まだレビューはありません