検索キーワード： 歴史・理論

Detrás de los macanazos y las balas, hubo un sistema judicial que convalidó la represión y actuó convencido de su bondad. Nació el 26 de julio de 1968 y murió dos años después. Pero en su corta vida, multiplicó la iniquidad y la injusticia, provocó el encarcelamiento de decenas de jóvenes y evidenció la saña del Estado. Ésta es la historia -nunca antes contada- del proceso judicial contra los implicados en el 68 mexicano.

The Founding of the American Republic is on trial. Critics say it was a poison pill with a time-release formula; we are its victims. Its principles are responsible for the country's moral and social disintegration because they were based on the Enlightenment falsehood of radical individual autonomy. In this well-researched book, Robert Reilly declares: not guilty. To prove his case, he traces the lineage of the ideas that made the United States, and its ordered liberty, possible. America's decline, he claims, is not to be discovered in the Founding principles, but in their disavowal.

Il fascismo pretese di erigere un nuovo Stato, ma riutilizzò abbondantemente in chiave fascista elementi e residui dello Stato liberale. Autoritario e dittatoriale, concentrò il potere pubblico, ma accettò anche la sua pluralizzazione. Eliminò libere elezioni, creò un surrogato della rappresentanza politica, si valse di organizzazioni satelliti, ma ricorse ad amministrazioni parallele per gestire la crisi economica.

En la continuación de su best seller internacional La batalla cultural, el afamado escritor, politólogo y conferencista Agustín Laje presenta Generación idiota: Una crítica al adolescentecentrismo.

When William the Conqueror died in 1087, he left the throne of England to William Rufus . . . his second son. The result was an immediate war as Rufus's elder brother Robert fought to gain the crown he saw as rightfully his; this conflict marked the start of 400 years of bloody disputes as the English monarchy's line of hereditary succession was bent, twisted, and finally broken when the last Plantagenet king, Richard III, fell at Bosworth in 1485.

How much equality does democracy need to survive? Political thinkers have wrestled with that question for millennia. Aldo Schiavone guides us through historical thickets, from the first democracy to the present day, seeking solutions to the enduring tension between democracy and inequality. Turning from antiquity to the modern world, Schiavone shows how the American and the French revolutions attempted to settle old debates, introducing a new way of thinking about equality.

In the 1820s, two families, unknown to each other, worked on farms in the American wilderness. It seemed unlikely that the families would ever meet—and yet, they did. The son of one family, the famed actor John Wilkes Booth, killed the son of the other, President Abraham Lincoln, in the most significant assassination in American history. The murder, however, did not come without warning—in fact, it had been foretold. In the Houses of Their Dead is the first book of the many thousands written about Lincoln to focus on the president's fascination with Spiritualism.

The Russian invasion of Crimea in 2014, subsequent war in Eastern Ukraine, and economic sanctions imposed by the West transformed European politics. The conflict did not escalate to the levels originally feared but nor was either side able to bring it to a definitive conclusion. Ukraine suffered a loss of territory but was not forced into changing its policies away from the Westward course adopted as a result of the EuroMaidan uprising of February 2014. President Putin was left supporting a separatist enclave as Russia's economy suffered significant damage.

Noch immer von allen Studenten des wirtschaftlichen Managements zu lesen: Clausewitzens Klassiker über die Kriegsführung. Insbesondere das erste Kapitel beinhaltet die zentralen Thesen, nach denen beispielsweise der Krieg lediglich die "Fortsetzung der Politik mit anderen Mitteln" sei.

Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité ! La devise de notre République française est magnifique. Elle inspire nos révolutions et orne fièrement nos bâtiments publics. Trois mots simples, mais qui reflètent nos plus profondes aspirations. Seulement voilà, avouons qu'ils portent en eux un idéal plus qu'une réalité. Quelle frustration ! Serait-il possible d'assouvir pleinement cette soif légitime de liberté, d'égalité et de fraternité ? Et si ce trio faisait écho à une réalité plus vaste ? Voire éternelle ? C'est envisageable à condition de changer de coeur.

La storia di Mafia Capitale non è solo una storia visibile, territorio della politica e dell’amministrazione, né corrisponde soltanto alle vicende torbide di corruzione e malaffare che lentamente e a fatica emergono: le ragioni della sua forza e della sua pericolosità affondano nel terreno dei quartieri e delle periferie, e risalgono a una storia antichissima. Nel suo nuovo audiolibro, che contiene uno stralcio della sentenza della Cassazione del processo Mafia Capitale, Federica Angeli indaga la lunga storia della corruzione e della mafia a Roma.

Why did the Democrats initially abandon their principles, and why haven’t they been able to grasp that they need a new strategy in the face of decades of diminishing returns? In Chaotic Neutral, political scientist Ed Burmila breaks it to us, tracing the party’s metamorphosis from bold defender of labor rights, civil rights, and a robust social safety net to a timorous, ideology-free, regulation-averse lifestyle brand.

Hardship is now equated with victimhood. Outward displays of vulnerability in defeat are celebrated over winning unabashedly. The pursuit of excellence and exceptionalism are at the heart of American identity, and the disappearance of these ideals in our country leaves a deep moral and cultural vacuum in its wake. But the solution isn’t to simply complain about it. It’s to revive a new cultural movement in America that puts excellence first again.

In Uncommon Wrath, historian Josiah Osgood tells the story of how the political rivalry between Julius Caesar and Marcus Cato precipitated the end of the Roman Republic. As the champions of two dominant but distinct visions for Rome, Caesar and Cato each represented qualities that had made the Republic strong, but their ideological differences entrenched into enmity and mutual fear. The intensity of their collective factions became a tribal divide, hampering their ability to make good decisions and undermining democratic government.

A masterpiece of American individualism, Henry David Thoreau’s Civil Disobedience is considered by many to be one of the most important pieces of political and philosophical writings ever produced by an American. Thoreau wrote the essay because of his opposition to slavery and the Mexican-American War. When the government engages in actions that are unjust, he believed that citizens should completely withdraw their support of the government and stop paying taxes, even if it results in imprisonment or violence.

In 1848, The Communist Manifesto was published by two émigrés from Germany. Marx and Engels' apocalyptic vision of an insatiable system that penetrates every corner of the world reduces every relationship to that of profit, and burst asunder the old forms of production and of politics. It is still a recognisable picture of our world—the vampiric energy of the system being once again highly contentious. This is a strikingly imaginative take on Marx and what his most haunting book has to say to us today.

En este libro resulta claro que 1994 NO HA TERMINADO. Desde la historiografía y el periodismo siempre han surgido ángulos insospechados que lo confirman como el año que definió el rumbo actual del país. Y ésta no es la excepción. En una crónica donde se entre - tejen testimonios de los protagonistas de aquella época con revelaciones de personajes que han “perdido el miedo de hablar”, Raymundo Riva Palacio analiza uno de los hitos de la transición a la democracia mexicana.

Adiós al 68 rechaza la mirada contemplativa con la que se ha construido la memoria de los movimientos sociales de la segunda mitad del siglo XX y lo que va del XXI. Con la dolorosa valentía que requiere la autocrítica, confronta al fantasma de aquellos que formaron la conciencia de un mundo mejor, pero que sólo lograron moldear uno distinto. Joel Ortega, quizá el más inteligente miembro activo de la generación mexicana de los años sesenta, hace un recorrido obligadamente incómodo que va de la ilusión a la integración en la política.

Tras la brutalidad de la Revolución, los sobrevivientes necesitaban una esperanza y el nacionalismo se la dio. Pero a un costo altísimo: muerte y mentira.

De alguna forma, parece que nos hemos convencido de que nuestra historia política se puede reducir a cambios de gobiernos, de leyes, a sustitución o adorno de vicios administrativos y relativizaciones éticas.