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La democracia es un concepto de alto valor reconocido universalmente, tal vez uno de los más importantes de la modernidad occidental. Sin embargo, la democracia realmente existente es también un sistema de demarcación, exclusión social y delimitación ecológica. Siempre ha dejado algunos intereses individuales fuera de su alcance. Así, a la vez que exige mayor participación en el proceso de la toma de decisiones, excluye a colectivos enteros que luego reclaman más participación.

The ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle called man a political animal. But what did he mean by that? What is democracy? How do democracies differ from one another? How do they stack up against their alternatives, like dictatorship? And can democracy survive the many challenges it faces today? To answer these questions, look no further than Democracy and Its Alternatives. Political science, history, and current affairs rolled into one, these 24 lectures investigate democratic government in theory and practice.

The year 2020 was a tumultuous time in American politics. It brought a global pandemic, protests for racial justice, and a razor-thin presidential election outcome. It culminated in an attack on the US Capitol that attempted to deny Joe Biden's victory. The Bitter End explores the long-term trends and short-term shocks that shaped this dramatic year and what these changes could mean for the future. Ultimately, instead of the country coming together to face national challenges—the pandemic, George Floyd's murder, and the Capitol riot—the challenges only reinforced divisions.

Universities play an indispensable role within modern democracies. But this role is often overlooked or too narrowly conceived, even by universities themselves. In What Universities Owe Democracy, Ronald J. Daniels, the president of Johns Hopkins University, argues that—at a moment when liberal democracy is endangered and more countries are heading toward autocracy than at any time in generations—it is critical for today's colleges and universities to reestablish their place in democracy. For those committed to democracy's future prospects, this book is a vital resource.

Hannah White offers a perceptive critique of the shortcomings of the House of Commons, arguing that the reputation of the Commons is in a downward spiral—compounded by government attempts to side-line parliament during Brexit and the coronavirus pandemic. At a time of populist challenge to representative democracy, this book is an essential rallying cry for Members of Parliament to reform the House of Commons—equipping it to fulfil its important role as a cornerstone of our democracy—or see it fade into irrelevance.

This tumultuous global story begins with democracy's radical core idea: We can collaborate, as equals, to determine our own lives and futures. John Keane traces how this concept emerged and evolved, from the earliest "assembly democracies" to European-style electoral democracy to our present system of "monitory democracy." Keane calls this media- and communication-driven system "the most complex and vibrant form of democracy yet"—but it is not invulnerable. At this urgent moment, Keane's book mounts a new defense of a precious global ideal.

Plädoyer für eine gehirngerechte Politik. Wutbürger, Populismus und Protest: Viele Menschen haben das Gefühl, dass "die da oben" sie nicht ernst nehmen. Doch welche Ursachen liegen diesem weit verbreiteten Empfinden zugrunde? Und was müssen wir konkret tun, um unsere Gesellschaft wieder auf Spur zu bringen? Diese Fragen beantwortet der bekannte Psychiater und Autor Hans-Otto Thomashoff, indem er die Erkenntnisse der Neurowissenschaften mit der politischen Praxis verknüpft.

Oswaldo Payá was seven years old when Fidel Castro seized power in Cuba, promising to create a 'free, democratic and just Cuba.' But Castro instead created an authoritarian regime with little tolerance of free speech or thought. His secret police were trained to crush dissent by East Germany's ruthless Stasi. Throughout Cuba's 20th century history, the dream of democracy was often just within reach, only to be dashed by dictatorship and revived again by a new generation. Payá inherited this dream and it became his life's work.

Public opinion polling is the ultimate democratic process; it gives every person an equal voice in letting elected leaders know what they need and want. But in the eyes of the public, polls today are tarnished. Recent election forecasts have routinely missed the mark and media coverage of polls has focused solely on predicting winners and losers. In Strength in Numbers, data journalist G. Elliott Morris argues that the larger purpose of political polls is to improve democracy, not just predict elections.

Most citizens are well aware that the world is run rather badly by those in power—the politicians—who are in many cases democratically elected. Time and time again democracy fails to protect the ordinary citizen and exhibits dangerous and damaging flaws. Yet, it is often held up as the model of how best to govern. This pamphlet presents arguments that highlight exactly why democracy just isn’t very good and is no more than the best of a bad bunch of options. However, this pamphlet also contains hope. It expresses the belief that there is a vastly better way to run the world.

Fascismo e Democracia reúne exemplos magníficos da escrita de Orwell durante os dias mais sombrios da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Abraçando os princípios da democracia e as potencialidades reformadoras, o significado da literatura e da liberdade de expressão em tempos de violência e a sustentabilidade da verdade objetiva, Orwell oferece um retrato convincente de uma nação onde normas e ideais não podem mais ser considerados garantidos. Assim como o melhor da escrita de Orwell, estes ensaios também servem como lembretes intemporais da fragilidade da liberdade.

Much of the attention paid to Trump's rise to power has focused on his corrosive personality and divisive style of governing. But he alone is not the problem. The vulnerability is much broader and deeper. The ascendance of Trump is the culmination of nearly 250 years of political reforms that gradually ceded party nominations to small cliques of ideologically motivated party activists, interest groups, and donors. Author Lawrence Jacobs provides a highly engaging history of political reforms since the late-eighteenth century that over time dangerously weakened democracy.

"Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion..." Thus reads the First Amendment of the Constitution of the United States. And yet, as Dr. Richard Tobias argues in this book, recent decisions by the Supreme Court and the repeated battering by strongly religious Congressional members of this core tenet and its corollary—the separation of church and state—have placed the longstanding ideals of democracy in danger.

How much equality does democracy need to survive? Political thinkers have wrestled with that question for millennia. Aldo Schiavone guides us through historical thickets, from the first democracy to the present day, seeking solutions to the enduring tension between democracy and inequality. Turning from antiquity to the modern world, Schiavone shows how the American and the French revolutions attempted to settle old debates, introducing a new way of thinking about equality.

Over the last two decades, a fringe plan to call a convention under the Constitution's amendment mechanism—the nation's first ever—has inched through statehouses. Delegates, like those in Philadelphia two centuries ago, would exercise nearly unlimited authority to draft changes to our fundamental law, potentially altering anything from voting and free speech rights to regulatory and foreign policy powers. Such a watershed moment would present great danger, and for some, great power. In this important book, Feingold and Prindiville examine the grave risks inherent in this effort.

Long regarded as the most accurate rendering of Plato's Republic that has yet been published, this widely acclaimed translation by Allan Bloom was the first to take a strictly literal approach. In addition to the annotated text, there is also a rich and valuable essay—as well as indices—which will enable listeners to better understand the heart of Plato's intention.

At a time when many democracies are under strain around the world, Until We Have Won Our Liberty shines new light on the signal achievements of one of the contemporary era's most closely watched transitions away from minority rule. South Africa's democratic development has been messy, fiercely contested, and sometimes violent. But as Evan Lieberman argues, it has also offered a voice to the voiceless, unprecedented levels of government accountability, and tangible improvements in quality of life.

Decía Julio Scherer García que para entender la historia hay que analizar a los protagonistas. Y esta obra hace justamente eso: Demetrio Sodi, uno de los mayores conocedores de la política mexicana desde hace décadas, nos guía por los salones y los despachos donde se ha decidido la vida del país durante los últimos 40 años. Sodi de la Tijera —quien ha sido jefe delegacional, diputado, senador y activista, entre otros— nos cuenta los entresijos de las negociaciones, las tensiones ocultas, las amenazas, las razones hondas y las anécdotas más reveladoras.

The lifeblood of any free society is persuasion: changing other people's minds to enable real change. But America is suffering a crisis of faith in persuasion that is putting its democracy and the planet itself at risk. People increasingly write each other off instead of seeking to win each other over. In The Persuaders best-selling author Anand Giridharadas takes us inside these movements and battles, seeking out the dissenters who continue to champion persuasion in an age of polarisation.

Defying the Dragon tells a remarkable story of audacity—of how the people of Hong Kong challenged the PRC's authority, just as its president reached the height of his powers. Is China as unshakeable as it seems? What are its real interests in Hong Kong? Why are Beijing's means of control no longer working? Where does this leave Hongkongers themselves? Stephen Vines has lived in Hong Kong for over three decades. His book unpacks the Hong Kong-China relationship and its wider significance—right up to the astonishing convergence of political turmoil and international crisis.