What we’ve witnessed is a complete failure of federal authorities, New South Wales Police, and government leadership—failure to enforce existing laws and failure to remove people who should never have been here in the first place.

If you can freely return to your country of birth or your family’s homeland, you are not a refugee. Refugee status was never meant to be permanent convenience—it was meant to be protection when return is impossible.

The only people who truly cannot be sent “back” are those with bloodlines rooted here: Aboriginal Australians, and the descendants of convicts and early settlers who built this country.

We’ve been lied to before. John Howard’s gun law crusade followed Port Arthur—yet Martin Bryant was never given a public trial, never tested in open court, and Australians were told to accept the narrative without question.

Disarming citizens while refusing to enforce borders, deport extremists, or hold agencies accountable is not public safety.

It’s political cowardice dressed up as law.

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In the quiet sprawl of Sydney’s Bonnyrigg suburb—where kebab shops hum beside corner delis and neighbours rarely ask too many questions—the Akram family blended seamlessly into the multicultural backdrop for nearly three decades.

Sajid Akram, 50, arrived from Lahore, Pakistan, in 1998 on a student visa, chasing education and opportunity in Australia, according to reporting by the Sydney Morning Herald

Somewhere in Sydney’s western suburbs—possibly through Pakistani community circles—he met Verena Akram, an Anglo-Australian woman born and raised locally around Bankstown. Fair-skinned, unmistakably local in accent, with no recorded immigrant background, she worked part-time in administrative roles, according to interviews she later gave to SMH and Daily Mail Australia.

They married in 2001.

That marriage secured Sajid a partner visa, followed by permanent residency. Despite living in Australia for more than two decades, he never became a citizen, instead renewing his status through resident return visas after multiple overseas trips—primarily back to Pakistan—over the years, as confirmed by federal authorities.

Their only child, Naveed Akram, was born in Sydney in 2001. An Australian citizen by birth. No siblings. Raised, schooled, and socialised entirely in Australia. By all outward appearances, an ordinary young man—working as a bricklayer until being laid off months before the attack, frequenting gyms, eating halal, keeping to himself.

Yet behind the façade, warning signs had already surfaced.

In 2019, ASIO questioned Naveed at the age of 18 over suspected links to a Sydney-based ISIS-aligned cell. No charges were laid, but he was flagged by intelligence agencies, a fact later confirmed by the Prime Minister and reported by ABC News.

But questions linger.

The family travelled frequently to Pakistan. Sajid’s visa history shows multiple returns since at least 2010, often accompanied by his son, according to immigration reporting and ministerial briefings. What conversations were had? What influences absorbed? What ideologies hardened quietly, out of public view?

On December 14, 2025, the illusion of normality collapsed.

Sajid and Naveed Akram drove to Bondi Beach in a rented SUV, arriving at a Hanukkah community event. According to police, witnesses, and forensic investigators, two black ISIS flags were displayed—one mounted on the vehicle’s bonnet and later recovered as evidence.

From a nearby footbridge, they opened fire using six rifles legally licensed to Sajid.

Sixteen people were killed. Among them, a 10-year-old girl and Rabbi Eli Schlanger. More than forty others were injured.

Sajid was shot dead by police at the scene. Naveed was critically wounded and remains under guard in hospital, according to NSW Police and international reporting by Reuters, BBC, Al Jazeera, and The New York Times.

After the attack, her public denial intensified.

She told media her son had no firearms. No extremist views. No troubling associations.

Yet authorities confirmed recovered jihadist material, ISIS symbolism, and a prior ASIO intervention. These facts sit uneasily beside claims of ignorance.

This is no longer just a story about one violent act.

It is about intelligence warnings that stopped short. About firearm licensing that remained intact. About years of radicalisation unfolding in plain sight—or just beyond the willingness to see.

Bonnyrigg’s quiet streets now carry a different weight. Bondi’s shoreline, once synonymous with summer and celebration, bears the memory of bloodshed.

Australia is owed answers.

Not slogans.

Not deflections.

But truth.

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These agencies exist for one purpose: threat identification and prevention.

Not reaction. Not excuses. Prevention.

If it is true — as has been reported — that one of the men involved was:

• Known to ASIO, and

• A registered firearms owner,

then Australians are entitled to ask a very basic question:

What is the point of a watchlist if it carries no consequence?

A list that does not trigger mandatory intervention, monitoring, firearms removal, or lawful containment is not public safety. It is bureaucracy masquerading as protection.

You cannot tell the public:

• “This person is a security concern,”

and then

• Allow them to legally possess weapons, move freely, and act without restraint.

That is not an intelligence failure — that is a policy failure.

As Brigitte Gabriel has said repeatedly, it does not take large numbers to commit atrocities. It takes a small number of extremists, while the consequences are borne by the wider public. That is precisely why lists without enforcement are dangerous — they allow known risks to escalate until people are killed.

If the state assesses someone as a genuine national security risk, then the state must act decisively and lawfully:

• remove access to weapons,

• impose restrictions,

• intervene early,

• or pursue removal under existing national security laws.

Anything less is negligence.

Bondi was not an accident.

It was not unforeseeable.

And it was not the responsibility of ordinary Australians to absorb.

The failure belongs to the institutions that claimed they were watching — and did nothing.

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